Edmonton Social Planning Council

Author: Research Services and Capacity Building Coordinator

  • Feature Report — Confronting Racism with Data: Why Canada Needs Disaggregated Race-Based Data

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    History has shown that race-based data can be used to uphold racist systems and discriminatory practices; but data can also help to dismantle them. Currently, race-based data is collected in only a few key systems, and data collection strategies are woefully inadequate for current needs (in areas such as health, justice, and education). The limited data that is available does not provide adequate evidence to support targeted policy change and intervention. Race-based data is crucial to develop effective anti-racism frameworks, and to understand the diverse, intersectional, needs of racialized communities in Canada. This report highlights some of the issues, and addresses how systems can improve, or implement, data collection strategies that result in reliable, high-quality, and comparable data—based firmly on national-level standards.

    Authors:

    Jenn Rossiter, Research Services and Capacity Building Coordinator

    Tom Ndekezi, volunteer and ESPC Canada Summer Jobs student (2020)

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  • Blog: Special Series — Contemporary Pressure Points: Education Systems

    Blog: Special Series — Contemporary Pressure Points: Education Systems

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    Written by Jenn Rossiter and Sydney Sheloff

    Racism is prevalent within our current social, political, and economic realities. Its manifestation across and between systems (for example, health care, education, criminal justice, and policing) makes it necessary to highlight specific sectors where it has caused particular harm, or been particularly influential. We’ll focus the next two posts on a couple of areas that have been in the public eye recently: policing and education. We recognize that the presence of systemic racism within these two systems is not mutually exclusive (consider School Resource Officers), and that there is a complexity in the ways that they interconnect. However, this is an attempt at a brief overview of current issues and discussions to highlight how they connect to social issues such as poverty and employment.

    K-12 Schools

    Edmonton has seen its share of recent media reports over incidents of racism in the K-12 school system. Take for instance the repercussions in 2019 when Emmell Summerville, at the age of 11, was asked to remove his du-rag at school due to its perceived gang affiliation. Or the Edmonton Public School Board trustee who claimed that refugee students were prone to violence (spoiler alert: they’re not).

    Generally, issues in education arise from inadequate representation of BIPOC individuals as teachers or administration, and a recognition from non-BIPOC educators that they do not have the experience, tools, or resources to talk about anti-racism in the classroom. Without adequate training, and handed a highly Euro-centric curriculum, teachers are unable to effectively engage in the subject. On top of this, overt racist acts are often treated as bullying in an effort to avoid discomfort, which negatively affects identity formation and well-being among BIPOC children and youth.

    In an effort to respond to calls for change in racial inequality within the education system, the Edmonton Public School Board (EPSB) has committed to the collection of race-based data—the first school board in Alberta to do so. This data will be used to address racism and racial discrimination, with the intent to measure accountability and improve equity within the school system. Board Chair Trisha Estabrooks noted that the board first needs to “understand the gaps and the inequities in order to come up with policies.” EPSB will collaborate with BIPOC communities and leaders to determine best practices in data collection. Erick Ambtman, Executive Director for EndPoverty Edmonton, and an ESPC partner agency, is quoted in the EPSB Recommendation Report, stating, “To begin to address racism and undertake effective anti-racist work, we must understand all of the ways in which racism is expressed within our systems. Race-based data collection is therefore the necessary first step in doing anti-racism work and building anti-racist policies.”

    In another move, EPSB has agreed to suspend the controversial School Resource Officer (SRO) program and replace it with a Youth Enhanced Deployment model. Although this remains a collaboration with the Edmonton Police Service, according to EPSB the officers will be “trained to respond with youth. Officers will no longer be based in Edmonton Public Schools or assigned to specific schools. Officers will have community policing duties in addition to responding to calls involving youth.” Though not exactly an innovative modification, the willingness to review programs and respond to external pressures is promising. For more on the SRO program and its harms to BIPOC students and communities, you can read an article by Sydney Sheloff (ESPC Research Officer) in ESPC’s fall 2020 fACTivist newsletter.

    Post-Secondary Institutions

    Issues of systemic racism are not just contained to K-12 institutions. Universities are also facing their own harmful practices.

    The role of Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) units within universities, according to professor and expert Malinda Smith, is to “work individually and collectively to advance a shared strategic vision of a more accessible, equitable, diverse, and inclusive campus.” The University of Alberta, for example, has adopted a wide array of EDI initiatives that extend to institutional planning, research, and student supports.

    However, some have argued that EDI initiatives give universities the appearance of being diverse and inclusive, without addressing the fundamental nature of racism and exclusion. For example, expecting newly hired BIPOC academics to work towards White, Western, ideals of “success;” or not addressing the policies, practices, and structures that keep them from academia in the first place.

    We currently see a track record in the lack of representation in faculty, leadership, award and program committees, and large grant recipients—which ultimately places BIPOC applicants at a disadvantage. When proposals are put forward that don’t conform to Western, “tried and tested” methodologies, they are often overlooked or dismissed. This is changing, as more innovative, culturally relevant, or traditional projects are proven to succeed within the academic setting—for example, land-based learning for Indigenous studies programs, or community service-learning.

    Representation also matters. If youth do not see themselves reflected in positions of leadership, as educators or administrators, they may internalize the belief that post-secondary education is unattainable. In 2016, 94% of Black youth aged 15 to 25 wanted to get a bachelor’s degree, but only 60% thought they actually could. In recent events, University of Alberta law professor Ubaka Ogbogu chose to remove his profile from the University’s website after receiving racist messages (by voicemail and email) in response to his criticism of the UCP government’s COVID-19 response. As the only Black law professor, he is aware that this move could affect prospective Black law students who will no longer see that representation within the faculty.

    Why Education Matters

    Evidence shows that employment is closely linked to education levels, especially for BIPOC communities. In 2016, the proportion of people who were not in employment, education, or training (NEET) was 58% for young Black men without a high school diploma, compared to 33% of other young men without a high school diploma. However, young Black men with a university degree had approximately the same NEET rate as other young men with a university degree (6%). In 2019, 45% of Indigenous people (aged 25–54) without a high school degree were employed, compared to 62% of the non-Indigenous population. However, for those who had completed post-secondary, 82.1% of Indigenous people were employed—nearly on par to the 87.3% of non-Indigenous people.

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  • Blog: Special Series — Contemporary Pressure Points: Defunding the Police

    Blog: Special Series — Contemporary Pressure Points: Defunding the Police

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    Social Unrest

    The concept of defunding the police force (that is, re-allocating/ re-directing funding from police services to community services) has been associated with dismantling systemic racism for many years. Recently, the concept has appeared in mainstream discourse with the release of recent videos in both the United States and Canada demonstrating police violence and excessive force against BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour) civilians.

    This past summer Albertans heard, watched, and read the stories about Chief Allan Adam and his confrontation with the RCMP in Fort McMurray, about James-Dean Sauter who was tackled in a Circle K here in Edmonton, and about several other by-stander accounts of what appears to be local police using excessive force on otherwise co-operative or non-aggressive suspects in Edmonton and its surrounding regions.

    As a result, the public has focused on the need to improve police accountability & transparency. Investigative reporting indicates that use of force is disproportionately high towards Black and Indigenous people, compared to their overall population representation. Claims from police services that officers and practices are unbiased are no longer acceptable; racial profiling through ongoing activities like carding/ street checks harm communities rather than act as a valuable tool to crime prevention. These practices erode public trust, along with a community’s sense of safety and security.

    We’ve heard time again that what’s needed is to defund the police—allocating those funds to community services that would better target issues such as housing, mental health, addictions, and community safety. But who really makes these decisions?

    Structure & Funding

    Here in Alberta, municipal police operate under provincial legislation. That means that the Edmonton Police Service (EPS) must adhere to the provincial Police Act (1988). This document regulates officer duties and responsibilities, administration and governance, officer complaint and discipline procedures, and the role of the Law Enforcement Review Board.

    The Act dictates that the EPS is responsible for determining its own annual budget. This is developed in collaboration with the Edmonton Police Commission, an oversight body that governs the EPS and its annual planning & budgeting.

    So where does municipal government come in? Specifically, the City of Edmonton plays a smaller role in police oversight by:

    • Appointing members to the Edmonton Police Commission,
    • Reviewing commission reports, and
    • Funding approved budgets.

    The City has no say in how EPS spends operational money (so line items, such as uniforms, vehicles, or state-of-the-art equipment, are beyond its jurisdiction), but it does provide the funding by way of the City Capital Budget (typically through taxes). So if EPS requested $400 million one year, the City has the power to give only $350 million. And if EPS wants to spend some of that money on, say, a new armoured vehicle (although perhaps poorly timed), this expense would be planned for and approved by the commission.

    Which leads us to events from this past summer. As a result of demonstrations against systemic racism and calls to defund EPS, Edmonton City Council agreed to withhold a previously approved $11 million budget increase (over two years). Police Chief Dale McFee argued against these cuts, stating that this move would affect EPS salaries, and result in job-loss for recent diversity recruits: “it’s last in, first out.” Funding to EPS still accounts for nearly 15% of the City’s Capital Budget expenditures (its largest item), amounting to $373 million in 2020. Although this move is more of a budget freeze than a budget cut, it does demonstrate that the City recognizes the need to redirect money to social and community services in Edmonton—in this case City Council indicated that funding would go to supportive housing and community programs. “We cannot police ourselves out of systemic racism or societal injustices and challenges like poverty, addictions, mental health and trauma,” Mayor Iveson stated.

    Defunding the police would ultimately impact the intersection between health, poverty, and criminalization. Reducing engagement between marginalized populations and the police (and the criminal justice system as a whole) could help increase vulnerable folks’ access to housing, health care, education, and employment; re-allocating funds to community supports would improve appropriate responses to non-criminal incidences. Although the City has the power to defund the police, the effort would have little impact on the legislation of police behaviour, which is a larger systemic issue.

    Behaviour & Reform

    In order to see change governing police practice and behaviour, we would have to look to the Police Act, which hasn’t been updated since 2006. It’s up to the provincial government to review regulations and amend—or better yet, re-write and modernize—the Police Act. The (possibly) good news is that police reform is on the agenda for newly appointed Justice Minister Kaycee Madu, including a review and update to Alberta’s Police Act. Support to defund municipal police services, ironically, is not.

    As one of its first steps towards reform, the provincial government very recently announced a ban on carding. This is great news on the whole, but is not as simple as it sounds: street checks will continue under new guidelines and reporting measures. It will be interesting to see what changes in behaviour, practice, and data are a result of this announcement.

    Our Community

    The police system is clearly a complex web of decision-makers and regulation. Change is needed to improve experiences between the public and the police force, especially as they relate to police accountability, and BIPOC individuals. Directing money away from the police service and shifting these funds towards social equity programming and services would only improve our city, neighbourhoods, and citizens.

    The Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) has long championed the need for improved services for marginalized communities, and we especially recognize—and support the City’s focus on—the benefits of supportive housing. The City has not failed in its promise to address these issues, but ESPC will continue to advocate for these changes, and to monitor the ways in which our city is served and protected.[/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.4″ custom_padding=”0px|20px|0px|20px|false|false” border_color_left=”#a6c942″ custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_testimonial author=”Posted by:” job_title=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3IiLCJzZXR0aW5ncyI6eyJiZWZvcmUiOiIiLCJhZnRlciI6IiIsIm5hbWVfZm9ybWF0IjoiZGlzcGxheV9uYW1lIiwibGluayI6Im9uIiwibGlua19kZXN0aW5hdGlvbiI6ImF1dGhvcl93ZWJzaXRlIn19@” portrait_url=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3JfcHJvZmlsZV9waWN0dXJlIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnt9fQ==@” quote_icon=”off” disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”job_title,portrait_url” _module_preset=”default” body_text_color=”#000000″ author_font=”||||||||” author_text_align=”center” author_text_color=”#008ac1″ position_font=”||||||||” position_text_color=”#000000″ company_text_color=”#000000″ background_color=”#ffffff” text_orientation=”center” module_alignment=”center” custom_margin=”0px|0px|4px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”32px|0px|0px|0px|false|false”][/et_pb_testimonial][et_pb_text disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”content” _module_preset=”default” text_text_color=”#000000″ header_text_align=”left” header_text_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.65)” header_font_size=”20px” text_orientation=”center” custom_margin=”||50px|||” custom_padding=”48px|||||”]@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9jYXRlZ29yaWVzIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnsiYmVmb3JlIjoiUmVsYXRlZCBjYXRlZ29yaWVzOiAgIiwiYWZ0ZXIiOiIiLCJsaW5rX3RvX3Rlcm1fcGFnZSI6Im9uIiwic2VwYXJhdG9yIjoiIHwgIiwiY2F0ZWdvcnlfdHlwZSI6ImNhdGVnb3J5In19@[/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][/et_pb_row][/et_pb_section]

  • Blog: Poverty and Women’s Incarceration in Alberta

    Blog: Poverty and Women’s Incarceration in Alberta

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    Few may know of ESPC’s history supporting the formation of non-profits in the criminal justice sector. Although not typically an area of focus for our organization—we defer to the expertise of these partners—the social issues for which we do advocate, such as poverty, housing, and employment, are inextricably linked to the criminal justice system, especially when analyzed through a gender-based lens.

    The Elizabeth Fry Society of Calgary released a report in 2019 to provide background on the situation of incarcerated women in Alberta. Elizabeth Fry societies operate as independent regional non-profits across Canada, offering a range of programs and services for women who are involved with the justice system—that is, those who are criminalized or at risk of becoming criminalized. The Calgary report sought to inform their own local programming, and to respond to the lack of available data in Alberta on incarceration rates. Unfortunately, most Alberta-based data sources are incomplete—the province has not released corrections data since 2012.

    Provincial correctional systems (including remand centres) are populated with offenders who are either sentenced to two years or less, or who are awaiting trial or sentencing. Individuals sentenced to more than two years are placed in federal institutions. According to the report, the majority of sentences in Alberta are a result of property damage, along with minor theft (under $5,000) and mischief; the most common charge against women is that of minor theft, often as a result of shoplifting (p. 4).

    Research on incarceration rates across Canada suggests that “criminal acts committed by women are generally connected to poverty” (p. 7). The evidence shows that 80% of women in Canadian institutions are there for poverty-related crimes, with nearly half of those the result of simply failing to pay a fine. Regrettably, Alberta ranks highest in the country for charges or incarceration related to this kind of “criminal activity.” Of the women in provincial institutions, 74% indicated they were unable to financially meet their basic needs at the time of their arrest. In the face of hunger or homelessness, many of these women turned to crime to support themselves and/or their families. Essentially, poverty-related incarceration unfairly punishes women facing financial hardship, increasing the risk of continued poverty and engagement with the criminal justice system. These challenges often intersect with issues such as addictions, mental health, homelessness, and abuse.

    The number of individuals in Alberta’s remand centres has been steadily increasing since 2008 (p. 5). The uncertainty that accompanies remand custody can be particularly challenging for some individuals. Not knowing their ultimate length of stay can directly impact housing stability (increased risk of missing rent payments or failing to renew a lease on time), employment status (no concrete or reliable return to work date), as well as their ability to maintain child care, personal health, and social networks. A large proportion of incarcerated women are also mothers, which can greatly intensify these challenges. According to one estimation, more than 25,000 Canadian children are separated each year from their mothers due to incarceration (p. 7).

    Systemic racism has played its own role in affecting the incarceration rates of women in Alberta. The disproportionate representation of Indigenous individuals in the criminal justice system is well-documented. Indigenous women make up an average of 38% of the total provincial and territorial incarcerated population in Canada. Alberta, however, is the only province that has failed to release up-to-date provincial data of this kind, although “at last reporting, Alberta had the most disproportionately high level of Indigenous incarceration, surpassing all other jurisdictions in Canada” (p. 6). Whether this has improved or worsened in recent years in unknown.

    Once released, women face numerous barriers to reintegration and healing. Reintegration challenges revolve around broader issues like finance, employment, and housing. According to the data, some of the major challenges that women face include barriers due to: limited education (67%), financial debt (63%), as well as limited access to transportation (48%) and affordable housing (47%) (p. 16-17). Without effective individual release plans, women often don’t have the resources to reintegrate confidently and successfully, and are more at risk of coming up against these challenges or to re-offend for survival.

    Reintegration into society is also deeply connected to continuity: ensuring reliable, stable access to care (health and well-being), and understanding how the social determinants of health affect and are affected by reintegration readiness. Access to appropriate counselling and programming can make a positive impact on women’s well-being, while not having access to community services can increase rates of recidivism.

    Addressing the complex needs of BIPOC offenders is not adequately examined in the report. Although justice reform recommendations support the modification of sentencing measures for BIPOC individuals (take for instance the introduction of Gladue reports for Indigenous offenders), research indicates that providing culturally appropriate programming and supports for individuals already in the system can have a positive effect on reintegration and reduce recidivism. This recommendation is repeated across the Truth & Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls to Action, the final report on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Children, and a recent parliamentary committee study.

    It’s worrying that our provincial governments, both past and present, have been unwilling to release incarceration data since 2012. We cannot homogenize the female experiences of poverty, incarceration, or reintegration. Alberta’s population has diversified since 2012 and we must recognize the range of cultures and needs that are represented in these provincial institutions. Without up-to-date data, poverty reduction strategies to reduce rates of women’s criminalization and incarceration will be inadequate; the struggle to find meaningful ways to dismantle a justice system that reinforces discrimination and inequity will persist.

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  • Blog: Literacy and Poverty Reduction: Exploring Barriers to Success

    Blog: Literacy and Poverty Reduction: Exploring Barriers to Success

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    It’s worth noting that the information we have on adult literacy rates is limited. The federal government only started tracking this in 2012, and has scheduled data collection on a ten-year cycle. This means that the data we currently rely on is nearly a decade old, and the next available data will be released in 2023. That being said, we can still understand the importance of literacy skills as a means to economic and personal success.

    Literacy and essential skills are defined as a person’s ability to “interpret information, make decisions, and solve problems in personal, work, and community life.” Frontier College is a Canadian literacy organization with a focus to increase adult literacy and skills, and in 2019 published a report on the topic: Literacy and Essential Skills as a Poverty Reduction Strategy. The key idea? Meaningful poverty reduction strategies in Canada must include literacy programming.

    Literacy and poverty in Canada

    Measurement of literacy rates is scaled from 0 to 5. Those who fall within levels 1-2 are least literate, while a rate of 3 is considered a standard high school literacy level. Nationally, 17% of Canadians have literacy skills at level 1, while another 32% are rated at level 2—that is nearly half of all Canadians (49%) who are struggling with literacy skills below level 3. 

    There is definitive evidence on the relationship between literacy skill level and household income. It can be much harder to find a job with low literacy skills, and the jobs that are available are often low-wage. Evidence shows that “adults with low literacy skills are less likely to be employed and tend to stay unemployed for longer periods” (Frontier College, 2019, p. 2). For individuals with literacy rates in the lowest category, 29% were low-income households (Statistics Canada, 2016).

    This leads us to discover further nuances in the evidence, as “research on low income has emphasised certain at-risk groups. These are demographic groups that have higher low-income rates, such as recent immigrants, Aboriginal persons, unattached non-elderly persons and people with activity limitations…. while 17% of all persons had a literacy score of in the lowest category, 30% of recent immigrants, 26% of Aboriginal persons, 27% of unattached non-elderly persons and 23% of people with an activity limitation had a literacy score level in the lowest category in 2012” (Statistics Canada, 2016, p. 2).  

    In terms of earnings, we can see that “literacy skill level and household income are positively related. At $84,600, the median household income for individuals with the highest literacy proficiency (level 4 and level 5) was 70% higher than it was for those with lowest literacy proficiency (level 1 and below), and 33% higher than for those in the level 2 proficiency category” (Statistics Canada, 2016, p. 2).

     The report

    Literacy improvement provides low-skilled adults with resources to face challenges in everyday life—resources such as improved confidence, greater autonomy, and increased resilience.

    Frontier College conducted a comprehensive study to analyze literacy service providers and offer best practices in programming, providing a snapshot of the current state of literacy programming across Canada, along with recommendations for an integrated poverty reduction strategy framework.

    The report outlines numerous barriers that affect an individual’s access to literacy programming. However, poverty itself is first and foremost a barrier to accessing learning opportunities. “The experience of living in poverty is the primary barrier for individuals seeking to participate in skill upgrading programs. An individual who lacks the resources they need to pay for basic necessities, whether it be food, shelter, clothing, or transportation, is unable to consider the possibility of accessing [literacy] programs or holding down a job” (Frontier College, 2019, p. 20). For many, poverty creates intersectional and compounding challenges like limited mobility, poor health, low-income, and shelter.

    The study found that the most significant structural barriers were access to reliable transportation (80%) and access to child care services (77%). Other barriers were more personal, including negative experiences with education and learning (80%), addictions (70%), and health issues (70%). Further challenges with food insecurity, access to stable housing, limited social networks of support, language, and general well-being act as compounding factors to overcoming these barriers. By offering holistic, integrated service delivery models (that is, supports for multiple barriers in one single location), service providers can help to mitigate some of these challenges by building a sense of trust, community, and opportunity.

    Literacy skills can help to improve the quality of an individual’s life, and alleviate some of the harms caused by poverty. We at ESPC are aware of the connections between literacy and poverty, having previously produced information sheets on the topic (back in 2012 and 2015), in addition to an on-going project in collaboration with The Learning Centre Literacy Association. An integrated solution in Canada will only serve to strengthen our communities; knowing that Canada’s current Poverty Reduction Strategy incorporates literacy is a great start. To ensure this remains a long-term and effective strategy to help eliminate poverty, providing access to opportunities for those who need them the most must be a priority. 

     

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  • Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

    Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

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    By now Canada is well aware that the pandemic has hit vulnerable communities hardest. Within Canada, we know that this includes, among others, women, people with disabilities, and Indigenous communities.

    Statistics Canada has published a short overview, Indigenous people in urban areas: vulnerabilities to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19, to provide information on the vulnerabilities that some Indigenous peoples face due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

    The report focuses on indicators that show Indigenous communities are highly vulnerable to financial impacts. However, the data is from the 2016 Census and the 2017 Aboriginal People’s Survey. Current, relevant, and accurate Indigenous data is incredibly difficult to come by. So while this is some of the information that we do know, it’s important to remember that these numbers represent households in urban areas off reserve, offering a limited sub-set of Indigenous data and therefore not representative of all Indigenous peoples and populations.

    The results from these two surveys indicate that 24% of Indigenous people living in urban centres are in poverty (compared to 13% for those who are not Indigenous). Within these urban areas, 30% of Indigenous youth (18 years or younger) live in poverty; the number increases to 37% for foster children, 43% for kids living with only grandparents, and 51% for kids living with single-parents. These are staggering numbers when compounded with economic hardships faced by adults during a pandemic. Furthermore, Indigenous adults are at higher risk of living in a food insecure household (38%), an issue that affects women (41%) more than men (34%).

    Many Indigenous people work in low-wage jobs, and have been affected by work stoppage and lost income since the pandemic. Challenges to meet rent, pay transportation costs, and purchase groceries are among top concerns and priorities. For those who do not have access to the internet or a computer at home, they can face further work interruptions, and may also have children who are struggling to keep up with at-home learning. Clearly there are systemic disadvantages that Indigenous peoples face to not only survive, but to succeed during challenging times like this.

    Stay tuned for our exploration of data as it relates to racialized populations in Canada, coming soon.  

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