Edmonton Social Planning Council

Author: Sydney Sheloff

  • Op-Ed: Alberta needs to provide more robust relief for struggling families

    Op-Ed: Alberta needs to provide more robust relief for struggling families

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    Note: this op-ed was first published in the Edmonton Journal on May 27, 2021 (p. A6).

    Written by Sydney Sheloff and Brett Lambert

    The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted nearly all segments of our society, especially vulnerable and marginalized groups. Families with children have particularly felt the effects due to the back and forth between the closing and re-opening of schools and child-care centres as successive waves of the virus spread through the community.

    The pandemic has taken a toll on the economy, contributing to high unemployment rates and increased financial instability. At the same time, families are having to contend with increased costs related to food, child care, virtual or in-person learning, face masks, and other expenses. What is needed during this trying time is relief and stability to alleviate and reduce poverty. Child benefits are an important measure towards that end. The Edmonton Social Planning Council has long touted the advantages of enhanced child benefits for low-income families.

    Fortunately, the federal Canada Child Benefit (CCB) delivers tax-free monthly payments to families to help with costs related to raising children under the age of 18. For many families, it is a crucial stabilizer and has been credited with lifting nearly 300,000 children out of poverty. Positive impacts of child benefits include improved educational outcomes, food security, and stronger social cohesion. It also has the advantage of efficiently delivering relief during times of crisis. This was on display when the federal government distributed an extra payment of $300 per child through the CCB during the beginning of the pandemic in May 2020.

    Acknowledging that COVID-19 has continued to impact families, extra payments totalling a maximum of $1,200 per child under the age of six are being sent to families in 2021 through the CCB young child supplement. The first in a series of payments is expected to reach families on May 28.

    Despite these robust investments in child benefits on a federal level, unfortunately, the same cannot be extended to the provincial Alberta Child and Family Benefit (ACFB). While the provincial benefit – which was revamped from the previous Alberta Child Benefit and the Alberta Family Employment Tax Credit and collapsed into a single program in July 2020 – does provide a 15-per-cent increase in benefits for the lowest-income families compared to the previous iteration of the program, the benefit levels drop off more quickly as incomes rise.

    For example, a dual-income family with two children that made an annual household income of $41,000 would have received $2,640 in benefits in the previous program. Under the current ACFB, this same family would only receive $2,296. Every penny counts when you are raising children and even small reductions set families back. Moreover, the fact that these changes were implemented as Alberta was plunged into a pandemic as families were forced to navigate various restrictions did not make life easier for many working families. In addition, there have not been any plans to bring in pandemic-related enhancements to act as a bridge between the boosts to the federal program.

    To be sure, the province did announce a one-time payment of $561 per child through the Working Parent Benefit for March 2021. While this measure was helpful, this benefit was only available to parents with children enrolled in a child care program, limiting the reach and scope of the relief.

    If we are to emerge from the other side of this pandemic fully intact, more robust relief measures that prioritize the well-being of families and children in contending with rising costs are needed from the provincial government. A re-tooling of the ACFB to be responsive to upheavals like the pandemic has the potential to transform the program to be nimble and dynamic. Allowing the provincial program to be under-utilized only furthers the risk of families that are already struggling and falling even further behind. A complete and successful recovery for families needs robust co-ordination between both orders of government.

    Sydney Sheloff is Research Officer for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

    Brett Lambert is Community Engagement Coordinator for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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  • Blog: Low Income Single Adults: How stereotypes can make us forget people

    Blog: Low Income Single Adults: How stereotypes can make us forget people

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    Introduction

    Recent attention has been given to low-income single adults, describing them as the “forgotten poor.” More people are living as singles—as a share of the population, single people have grown from 9% in 1981 to 14% in 2016. Despite Canada-wide anti-poverty measures, many single adults are struggling to meet their basic needs. A recent study by the Institute for Research on Public Policy (IRPP) found that working-age singles make up the largest proportion of people who access social assistance, and they are three times as likely to live in poverty as the average Canadian.

    IRPP argues that single adults have been overlooked by policy reforms and largely “forgotten” by social policy. This blog post will illuminate how singles are “forgotten” due (in part) to stereotypes and stigma about able-bodied working-age singles.

    Income Supports and Living in Edmonton

    A single adult who is “expected to work” can receive $415 in core essential benefits and $330 for private shelter through Alberta Works every month. Within Edmonton, in 2018 the median income of singles living in poverty (both those who are on and those who are not on income support) was $13,150. This was $8,683 below the low-income cut-off.

    The cost of living in Edmonton far surpasses what people living on low incomes earn. In 2020, the rent for a bachelor apartment was, on average, $881 a month. In 2019, a nutritious diet for an adult male (aged 31–50) would cost about  $76.50 a week (or $306 a month assuming a 4-week month). Many single adults cannot afford their basic needs and end up living is substandard housing, skipping meals, and relying on community services to survive.

    Poverty reduction is a priority for federal and provincial governments. The enhancement of child benefits, for example, have succeeded in lifting many children and families out of poverty. However, outside of modest income supports and GST credits, there is little support available to single, able-bodied adults. So, the question remains, why are singles being left out of poverty reduction measures?

    Stereotypes and Stigma

    For better or worse, our society judges people who use income and social supports. Western society’s focus on neoliberalism leads us to believe that individuals are responsible for their own situation. People are expected to get a job and work hard to support themselves, make good decisions to get ahead in life, and are ultimately responsible for their success in life as well as their failures.

    As a result, single, working age, able-bodied adults are often stigmatized and blamed for their poverty. They are judged to be poor because they were lazy and did not work hard enough, or made irresponsible decisions with their money. There is a pervasive myth that people living in poverty lack morals and “choose” to stay on income supports instead of working for money. People living on low incomes or income supports are stereotyped as not caring about education, hard work, or other things that middle class society cares about. These kinds of judgements may implicitly inform programs designed to help low-income single adults.

    Alberta income supports have very stringent eligibility criteria. In the “expected to work” category, recipients often must prove they are looking for work or upgrading their employment skills to continue to receive payments. Any additional payments that recipients access (such as special diet, transportation, medical costs) also require regular proof they “need” it. These processes have harmful effects on single adults accessing income supports. First, it can be a lot of work to constantly prove themselves. For example, an income support recipient may have to go to the doctor every few months to get a note to prove they still need a special diet. This time and energy could be put into better things that could improve their well-being. Second, these processes promote this idea that people on income support are untrustworthy or trying to fraud the system. Income support recipients must “prove” they won’t be dependent on the system for long periods of time, prove they can make responsible decisions, and prove they are not lying to get more money. It can be demoralizing to constantly prove yourself and your need.

    Current Events

    Income Support does not provide enough money to support single adults to live in Edmonton, and can leave these individuals feeling judged and demoralized. However, instead of supporting low-income single Edmontonians more, income supports are undergoing further cuts. In the 2021 budget, Income Support was cut by $66 million. Income Support recipients have shared anecdotal evidence that their additional payments have been removed with little warning, and they need to jump through hoops to get those payments again. Alarmingly, many have also shared fears of becoming homeless.

    Government transfers provided unconditionally, that is, without having to prove deservedness, are essential to ensure low-income single adults are not forgotten or left out of poverty reduction measures. Unconditional government transfers are not a new idea. GST credits are available to all low- and modest-income individuals and families in order to offset the GST they pay. An individual does not have to “prove” their neediness or meet programming obligations in order to receive payments, they just have to file their taxes and report a low income.

    These credits provide low-income individuals with more resources to make ends meet, without imposing judgments on them. However, more supports are needed. Universal Basic Income (UBI) is an unconditional payment from the government directly to individuals. It can provide low-income single adults with the resources they need to survive, while also adding security of consistent access to a sufficient income and removing stigma. A UBI can be a powerful tool to ensure single adults are no longer forgotten.

    Read our Winter Research Update for a review of the IRPP report.

    Sources:

    Single Adult study: https://irpp.org/research-studies/canadas-forgotten-poor-putting-singles-living-in-deep-poverty-on-the-policy-radar/

    Neoliberalism description: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/apr/15/neoliberalism-ideology-problem-george-monbiot

    CMHC rental report https://assets.cmhc-schl.gc.ca/sites/cmhc/data-research/publications-reports/rental-market-reports/2020/rental-market-report-69720-2020-en.pdf?rev=be3a15d8-891d-4f56-85fb-f79ae68e93c9

    Alberta works payments. https://www.alberta.ca/income-support-what-you-get.aspx 

    Nutritious food basket https://open.alberta.ca/dataset/de65c7d1-d133-4518-a133-2325378289d2/resource/f4bccae3-87bb-4869-8651-bccd40708359/download/af-edmonton-nutritious-food-basket-prices-overview-2018-2019.pdf

    IS Cuts: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/income-support-funding-dropping-by-66m-in-2021-alberta-budget-1.5941765

    UBI: https://www.basicincomecanada.org/

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  • Blog: Is the COVID-19 Pandemic Exacerbating Gendered Divisions of Labour?

    Blog: Is the COVID-19 Pandemic Exacerbating Gendered Divisions of Labour?

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    The COVID-19 pandemic has had a disproportionally negative effect on Canadian women. At the start of the pandemic, women were more likely to lose jobs, and those who continued to work were more often employed in essential services that put them at a higher risk of coming into contact with the virus. The pandemic is rapidly changing our world, making it critical to keep track of changing trends.

    This post will explore some of the ways this pandemic has widened a gendered division of labour. Across Canada, as industries have learned to adapt to restrictions and overall employment has improved, women continue to face inequalities, are less likely to return to work, and are more likely to take on increased child care responsibilities. In other words, as the pandemic has progressed, women have been shifting out of the labour force and back into the domestic sphere. This could have long-lasting ramifications for women’s social and economic position.

    Women and Child Care

    A recent study from Statistics Canada investigated how parents in couple relationships have divided child care responsibilities during the pandemic. At the start, schools and daycares were shut down to stop the spread of the virus. While these centres have since reopened, many parents are choosing to keep their children at home. Parents have therefore had to devote more time to caring for their children, and have the added responsibility of supporting them through online learning.

    These increased demands have not been shared equally between parents. For example, 64% of women reported that they performed most of the homeschooling duties, and almost half (46%) of the men reported their partners did most of the homeschooling.

    Child care patterns have been affected by the altered working status of parents. Men who worked at home (53%) were more likely than men who worked outside of the home (46%) to report that child care was shared equally with their partner. However, women who worked at home (40%) were more likely to report they performed most of the child care duties compared to women who worked outside the home (28%). For parents who lost their jobs due to the pandemic, men were more likely to report that parenting tasks were shared equally (56%), whereas 59% of women reported that they did the majority of the child care work.”

    This study shows that men at home, whether they are unemployed or working from home, may take on more child care responsibilities, lessening the burden of women. However, women still tend to take on the majority of child care responsibilities. For women who work from home, this can be taxing on their time and contribute to high levels of stress.

    Women and the Labour Force

    As mentioned, women were more likely to lose their jobs at the beginning of the pandemic, but we are now seeing that they are also less likely to go back to work. A study by RBC economics found that between February and October 2020, 20,600 Canadian women left the labour force while 68,000 men joined. The number of women who have left the labour force has increased by 2.8% during the same time period.

    There are three dominant reasons for this trend. First, women are more likely to be employed in industries that are slower to recover and more vulnerable to a second wave of lockdowns. Second, women may have limited opportunities to work from home compared to men. Third, as discussed, women are taking on more child care responsibilities and find it harder to work outside of the home setting.

    Child care issues are closely correlated with women exiting the labour force. One of the largest cohorts of women to leave the labour force are those aged 35-39, half of whom have a child under the age of six. For all age groups, women with children under the age of six account for two thirds of those exiting the labour force. The authors suggest these women are leaving in order to focus on their increased child care responsibilities.

    However, things are not all bad. Though young women aged 20-24 were another cohort that left the labour market in large numbers, three quarters were enrolled in post-secondary education. The RBC study suggests that this could mean young women are choosing to focus on school to improve their post-pandemic career prospects.

    Why Does this Matter?

    The authors claim that the pandemic “rolled back the clock on three decades of advances in women’s labour-force participation” (p. 1). Women are facing more domestic and child care responsibilities and reducing their participation in the paid labour market. This may have far reaching effects in terms of women’s equality. This change could place more women and children in precarious situations, and could push them into poverty.

    Recovery efforts need to focus on women’s unique needs, such as providing safe and accessible child care, supporting women’s sectors in recovery efforts, supporting skill development so women can join sectors less vulnerable to the pandemic, and creating supports for women who choose to stay at home. Supporting women is imperative to a just and equitable recovery.

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  • Op-Ed: Hero-pay raises are the least we can do for frontline workers

    Op-Ed: Hero-pay raises are the least we can do for frontline workers

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    Note: this op-ed originally ran in the Edmonton Journal on December 9, 2020.

    Written by Sydney Sheloff and Brett Lambert

    When the COVID-19 pandemic caused lockdowns for much of Canada’s economy back in March, an interesting thing happened. The contributions of those working minimum wage or low-income jobs – whether they were grocery store cashiers, delivery drivers, warehouse workers fulfilling online shopping orders, aides in long-term care facilities, among others – were now considered essential. It became immediately clear that their work needed to continue in order to make sure food and other goods were readily available to the public. The only problem? Their essential work did not provide them with a living wage that allowed them to sufficiently provide for themselves, their families, and reach basic financial security.

    In order to address this disparity and to make sure these workers still showed up in the face of tremendous risk, workers at major grocery chains such as Loblaws, Save-on-Foods, and Safeway were given a temporary pay raise – usually $2 per hour – in acknowledgment of their hard work.

    This increase – often called “hero pay” – was a boon for these workers. Many reported feeling greater financial security, being able to afford their bills without having to choose which ones to pay, and worker morale improved with a sense they were more appreciated by their employer. However, by the summer time, the grocery chains phased out their bonus pay as the economy started to re-open and active cases of COVID-19 were declining.

    Now that Canada and much of the world is experiencing a brutal second wave of infections that has surpassed the worst of the first wave, it is time for hero pay to be brought back to the table.

    The Edmonton Social Planning Council’s latest edition of Tracking the Trends keeps track of short-term and long-term trends in Edmonton’s social well-being. The evidence is clear that normalizing a living wage for essential services is long overdue, especially during a public health emergency like this.

    An average of 117,300 employed persons were earning less than the living wage in the Edmonton area, which we have calculated to be $16.51 per hour as of 2019. Almost two-thirds of these workers are women. The cost of living in Edmonton continues to increase steadily over time with inflation increasing by 17.8% and food costs rising at double the rate of inflation over the last 20 years. With the pandemic requiring everyone to isolate, many are turning to food delivery services to remain safe and as a result, they are burdened with additional fees for delivery. These trends suggest these living costs will not be improving anytime soon.

    Keeping wages stagnant does not serve those who are literally risking their lives to make sure food is stocked on store shelves. The added stress of dealing with the uncertainty of customers complying with public health measures – such as wearing a mask – makes their work environment that much more stressful.

    To their credit, the grocery chain Sobeys has wisely decided to reinstate this bonus pay to their workers in parts of Manitoba and Ontario where lockdown measures are in place. This indicates they understand the pressures these workers are under. We would strongly encourage other grocery stores – big and small – to show that they value their workers’ contributions by bringing back their own hero pay nationwide, including Edmonton where new emergency measures are in place. Once the pandemic subsides and a vaccine is readily available, this bonus pay should be made a permanent part of their workplace policies as everybody should be able to make a livable income.

    After all, do we want these workers to continue to make difficult decisions on whether to pay their heating bill or forgo other expenses? If we are sincere in lauding their work as heroic, these pay raises are the bare minimum we can extend to them.

    Sydney Sheloff is Research Officer for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

    Brett Lambert is Community Engagement Coordinator for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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  • Blog: Special Series — A History of Indigenous Resistance

    Blog: Special Series — A History of Indigenous Resistance

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    The 2020 resurgence of Black Lives Matter (BLM), while centered on Black communities, has also highlighted racial injustices on a broad scale. In particular, BLM Canada has recognized that their struggles are tied up with the decades-long struggle of Indigenous peoples in Canada, and that “there is no black liberation without Indigenous liberation” (BLM Canada, 2020). This larger movement is illuminating the connections between injustices towards Black and Indigenous communities in Canada, as well as the ways in which they have been fighting back.

    In the 1492 Landback Lane dispute in Caledonia, Ontario, the Haudenosaunee are resisting a subdivision being built on their ancestral lands by occupying the land. Courts sided with the developers, and Ontario Provincial Police have arrested many of the land protectors (Kennedy, 2020). In Nova Scotia, the Sipeke’katik, a Mi’kmaq band, created a self-regulated, rights-based fishery. Non-Indigenous fishers have responded in violent protest, engaging in acts such as blocking boats and destroying property (Coletta, 2020).

    These resistances can be boiled down to one major theme: Indigenous communities asserting and protecting their treaty rights, while White Canadians, with the backing of the state, attempt to stop them. This theme can be seen throughout the history of Canada. Since before Canada was founded, colonial authorities have tried to control Indigenous communities and erase their culture, and these communities have fought back.

    Early “Canadian” History

    Indigenous resistance goes back to before the so-called “founding” of Canada. In the 1800s, for example, Louis Riel organized the Métis to fight for governance and land rights during the Red River and North West Rebellions (Bumsted, 2019; Beal & Macleod, 2019). Throughout the 1880s into the early 1900s, many Indigenous groups formed to fight for issues such as loss of land, failure to recognize land and treaty rights, culturally destructive policies and practices, and poor economic and health conditions on reserves (Dyck & Sadik, 2019).

    In 1967 the National Indian Brotherhood and several provincial groups joined to oppose the White Paper, a proposal to abolish the Indian Act and Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (Dyck & Sadik, 2019). A paper which would have effectively removed the legal status and special rights of Indigenous peoples in Canada (University of British Columbia, n.d.).

    Contemporary Struggles

    Indigenous communities are protecting traditional lands that non-Indigenous people continue to encroach on. During the Oka Crisis (1990), the Kanien’kehá:ka (People of the Flint, or commonly known as Mohawk people) of Kanehsatà:ke resisted the construction of a golf course on their ancestral lands by setting up a barricade. The town of Oka responded by sending in the military to shut down the protests (Marshall, 2020).

    Idle No More is a grassroots movement that arose in opposition to Bill C-45, which eroded environmental protections and treaty rights. The movement sought to honor treaties and re-establish nation-to-nation relations between Indigenous communities and Canada. It used teach-ins, rallies, protests, flash mob round dances, and social media to share messages and influence decision-makers (Barker, 2015). Around this time Chief Theresa Spence went on a hunger strike to protest poor conditions on her reserve (Barker, 2015). This hunger strike received national media attention, and together with Idle No More, boosted the profile of the poor conditions on Indigenous reserves and the violation of treaty rights.

    More recently, plans for a pipeline through Wet’suwet’en Nation territory, without the hereditary chiefs’ consent, led to a protest checkpoint in order to stop developers. In response, the government sent police to shut them down (Temper, 2018). Indigenous peoples were protesting colonial power by asserting their rights to land and traditional Indigenous authority (McCreary & Turner, 2018).

    Failures of the Government

    Indigenous peoples in Canada have worked with the federal government to address the many injustices they face but have rarely seen actionable changes. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal People (1991) recommended that the government commit to a new set of ethical principles with Indigenous peoples that respects the inherent right to Indigenous self-determination; this was never implemented (Dyck & Sadik, 2019; Marshall, 2020). In 2015 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was created to address the legacy of residential schools. It recommended 94 calls to action, but so far only 10 have been completed (CBC News, 2020). In addition, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (2019) listed 231 calls to address injustices against Indigenous women, but the federal government has yet to implement the recommended national action plan.

    Indigenous communities have been fighting against colonialism, the erasure of their culture, and the erosion of treaty rights for decades. This history shows that real change cannot occur within the current system. Many Indigenous activists in Canada are advocating for an anti-racist and de-colonial approach, in which we dismantle the structures that were designed to assimilate and control them, and replace them with structures that are based in and uphold Indigenous thought and sovereignty. We, as allies, need to listen to the voices of Indigenous people in Canada and advocate for a better social world.

    Further Readings

    Alongside these movements, Indigenous academics, journalists, and literary authors have written about colonialism, the oppression of Indigenous peoples and ways of life, and solutions to these issues based in Indigenous thought. Below are just a few examples:

    • Leanne Betasamosake Simpson is a Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg scholar, writer, and artist. Her work is centered around Nishnaabeg intellectual practices. Her work spans genres and topics, from academic work on indigenous resistance, to literature about contemporary Indigenous issues. Read: Simpson, L. B. (2017). As we have always done. University of Minnesota Press.
    • Tanya Talaga is an Anishinaabe journalist. Her work looks at how colonialism, the separation of Indigenous people from their land, communities, and culture, and legacies of human rights violations have harmed Indigenous youth. Read: Talaga, T. (2018). All our relations: Finding the path forward
    • Eve Tuck’s work focuses on how Indigenous social thought can be engaged to create more fair and just social policy, more meaningful social movements, and robust approaches to decolonization. Read: Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1-40.

    Sources

    Barker, A. J. (2015). A direct act of resurgence, a direct act of sovereignty: Reflections on idle no more, Indigenous activism, and Canadian settler colonialism. Globalizations, 12(1), 43-65. DOI: 10.1080/14747731.2014.971531

    Beal, B., & Macleod, R. (2019). North West Rebellion. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/article/north-west-rebellion

    Black Lives Matter Canada (2020). About Us. https://blacklivesmatter.ca/

    Bumsted, J. M. (2019, Nov 22). Red River Rebellion. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/red-river-rebellion

    CBC News (2020). Beyond 94: Truth and reconciliation in Canada. CBC News. https://newsinteractives.cbc.ca/longform-single/beyond-94?&cta=1

    Coletta, A. (Oct 26, 2020). Indigenous people in Nova Scotia exercised their right to catch lobster: Now they’re under attack. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/canada-nova-scotia-indigenous-lobster-fishery/2020/10/24/d7e83f54-12ed-11eb-82af-864652063d61_story.html

    Dyck, N. & Sadik, T. (2019). Indigenous political organization and activism in Canada. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/aboriginal-people-political-organization-and-activism

    Kennedy, B. (Oct 23, 2020). As standoff at ‘1492 Land Back Lane’ heats up in Caledonia, land defenders say, ‘This is a moment for our people to say no.’ The Star. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/10/23/as-standoff-at-1492-land-back-lane-heats-up-in-caledonia-land-defenders-say-this-is-a-moment-for-our-people-to-say-no.html

    Marshall, T. (2020) The Oka Crisis. The Canadian Enclyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/oka-crisis

    McCreary, T., & Turner, J. (2018). The contested scales of Indigenous and settler jurisdiction: Unist’ot’en struggles with Canadian pipeline governance.

    National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. (2019). Reclaiming power and place: The final report of the national inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/

    Temper, L. (2018). Blocking pipelines, unsettling environmental justice: from rights of nature to responsibility to territory. Local Environment 24(2), 94.112.

    University of British Columbia. (n.d.). The White Paper, 1969. First Nations and Indigenous Studies. https://indigenousfounda-tions.arts.ubc.ca/the_white_paper_1969/

     

     

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  • fACTivist Feature Article: School Resource Officers and the School-to-Prison Pipeline

    fACTivist Feature Article: School Resource Officers and the School-to-Prison Pipeline

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    Note: this is excerpted from the Fall 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community.

    Written by Sydney Sheloff

    The school-to-prison pipeline is a set of policies and practices that push youth marginalized by class and race oppressions away from education and towards the criminal justice system (Mallet, 2015). This is a complicated system with many interrelated elements, including harsh disciplinary techniques, student streaming, alongside racism and discrimination. However, given the current debate on removing School Resource Officers (SRO) from Edmonton schools, the focus will be on how disciplinary techniques, especially those that involve SROs, contribute to this system.

    SROs are police officers who work within K–12 schools. They are tasked with the responsibility to ensure school safety, collaborate with community organizations to support youth, educate youth about issues related to crime, and divert youth from the criminal justice system (Edmonton Police Service, 2019). However, the way that they actually operate in schools has been called into question. The debate to remove SROs is part of the growing conversation around Black Lives Matter and police brutality. Many argue that SROs extend police involvement, discrimination, and brutality into the lives of BIPOC youth and children, which brings them into—and keeps them entrenched in—the criminal justice system.

    The Edmonton Police Service (EPS) claims that SROs divert youth away from the criminal justice system (2019), but SROs are themselves a part of the criminal justice system. Youth may not be going to court, but they are regularly watched, judged, and disciplined by police officers. SROs are arguably introducing more criminal justice involvement into the lives of students, as misbehaviours that would have previously been addressed by school authorities, such as principles or teachers, are now being addressed by police, and can possibly result in a criminal charge (Bernard & Smith, 2018). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) shared several stories from teachers who were encouraged to bring in SROs to deal with minor behavioural issues. These situations increase the odds for certain students to interact with police and can establish conditions for youth to enter the criminal justice system.

    Abela and DonLevy (2020) explain that SROs are often not given specialized training to work in schools or with youth—they rely on basic police training. Illustrating this point, some students in Edmonton have claimed that officers at their schools view students as potential threats and criminals rather than as young students (CBC News, 2020). Local activist Bashir Mohammed found evidence that Edmonton SROs were setting up “bait phones” with tracking devices in an attempt to entrap potential thieves. Students were supposed to learn about these phones through gossip to understand that officers were always on the lookout for crime (2020). The Toronto District School Board’s review of their School Resource Officer Program found that many students felt that they were being watched or targeted by SROs, which made them feel intimidated and uncomfortable going to school (2017). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) also collected several testimonials from students who stated that SROs harassed them and made them feel scared or uneasy. Thus, youth do not feel protected by police—they feel like suspects being watched.

    Although SRO student arrests directly contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline, they are not the only issue. When students feel targeted, unsafe, scared, or harassed, they are less likely to attend school. Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) shared stories of students who had skipped class because they felt too anxious around SROs, which made it harder for them to succeed. School completion influences future career opportunities and earning potential, so students who miss school are likely to face barriers in attaining gainful employment. This could keep these students in poverty—yet another factor that can lead to involvement with the criminal justice system.

    In much the same way that BIPOC are disproportionally targeted by the police in public, BIPOC students are targeted by SROs in schools. Stereotypes that claim Black and Indigenous people are violent or dangerous may be just one way that SROs are led to perceive these students in negative ways. Students in Edmonton have claimed that SROs target Black, Brown, and Indigenous students (CBC News, 2020). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) also shared stories of students who believed BIPOC students were targeted by SROs. Unfortunately, there is no data on SRO interactions disaggregated by race, so there is no evidence that SROs are in fact disciplining BIPOC students at a higher rate. However, a study done on anti-Black racism within the Peel District School Board found that Black students were suspended at a disproportionate rate—Black students made up 10.2% of the school population but 22.5% of those suspended (2020).

    SROs are also tasked with offering counselling and support to students (Edmonton Police Service, 2019), but these services would be much better performed by other professionals (Mallet, 2015). Youth who have trouble in school are not going to certified counsellors or mental health professionals to deal with their problems, they are going to police who have little to no training in this specific field (Abela & DonLevy, 2020). Furthermore, as illustrated above, many students, especially BIPOC and impoverished students, feel targeted by SROs and do not trust or feel safe around them, so it is unlikely that they would go to them for support.

    Crime is often the result of interactions between systemic and personal issues such as mental health, racism, poverty, and victimization. Youth who experience these problems need support to overcome barriers and access opportunities for a better life. However, the SRO program, by hiring police officers instead of certified counsellors, does not give youth the support they need. Rather, SROs monitor, discipline, and may even criminally charge vulnerable and marginalized youth. Marginalized youth are not given support to succeed in school, but are instead pushed toward the criminal justice system.

    There are studies on Canadian SRO programs that found the programs to be positive and useful, but these findings should be questioned. A study on the SRO program in the Peel District of Ontario found SROs were effective at preventing crime, improving student perceptions of police, and making students feel safer (Duxbury & Bennell, 2018). However, this study paid no attention to how different groups of students experienced SROs in different ways. A study on the Peel District School Board two years later found wide-spread anti-Black racism within the school district by teachers and administrators, and shared some evidence of SROs discriminating against Black students (Chadha, Herbert, & Richard, 2020), calling into question the results of the first study.

    A separate study of the SRO program in the Winnipeg schools district also found students had positive perceptions of SROs, and that SROs were useful in a school setting (Kaplan Research Associates, 2014). However, according to Police Free Schools Winnipeg (2020), “policing discriminates against a minority of students on the basis of race and class. The positive opinion of a majority, who themselves have little or no interaction with the police, is irrelevant to assessing the harm caused by police presence.” Both the Peel District and Winnipeg studies asked students who had little interaction with police what their perceptions were, which resulted in positive results. But these results are irrelevant to the issues. Marginalized students are the ones who are the most affected by SROs—the ones who claim the greatest harm by SROs—and yet they were not consulted.

    Those in power, such as governments, school board officials, and the EPS, have depicted the SRO program as a benefit to schools and students. However, since its inception in 1979, the program has never been formally reviewed (CBC, 2020). Going forward it is important that we look past these idealistic portrayals, engage in rigorous research, and listen to the perspectives of those who are actually impacted by these programs.

     

    Sources

    Abela, G. & Donlevy, J. K. (2020). Violence in Alberta’s schools: The perspectives of school resource officers. Education and Law Journal 29(2), 1-26.

    Bernard, W. T. & Smith, H. (2018). Injustice, justice, and africentric practice in Canada. Canadian Social Work Review 35(1), 149-157. DOI: 10.7202/1051108ar

    CBC News (2020, June 24). Motion to remove police resource officers from schools narrowly defeated. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/edmonton-public-school-resource-officers-suspension-review-1.5624966

    Chadha, E., Herbert, S., & Richard, S. (2020). Review of the Peel District School Board. http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/new/review-peel-district-school-board-report-en.pdf

    Duxbury, L., & Bennell, C. (2018). Review and Summary: Assigning Value to Peel Regional Police’s school Resource Officer Program. Carleton University. https://www.peelpoliceboard.ca/en/board-meetings/resources/Presentations/Dr.-Duxbury-Presentation—Assigning-Value-To-Peel-Regional-Polices-School-Resource-Officer-Program.pdf

    Edmonton Police Service (2019). School Resource Officers. https://www.edmontonpolice.ca/CommunityPolicing/FamilyProtection/SchoolResourceOfficers

    Kaplan Research Associates (2014). An evaluation of the school resource officer program of the Winnipeg school division: 2012-2014. Kaplan Research Associates Inc.

    Mallet, C. (2015). The school-to-prison pipeline: A critical review of the punitive paradigm shift. Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal 33(1), 15-24. DOI: 10.1007/s10560-015-0397-1

    Mohamed, B. (2020, June 2). Edmonton Anti-Racism Toolkit.  https://www.bashirmohamed.com/blog/2020/6/2/edmontontoolkit

    Police-Free School Winnipeg (2020). Stories. Police Free Schools Winnipeg. https://policefreeschoolswpg.ca/stories/

    Sydney Sheloff is the Research Officer for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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