Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Blog: Poverty

  • Blog: Social Determinants of Health

    Blog: Social Determinants of Health

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    Canada has long been considered one of the healthiest countries in the world. However, within Canada certain groups tend to be healthier than others. These health inequalities can be partially explained by the Social Determinants of Health (SDH). SDH are socio-economic factors that positively or negatively impact health. The Government of Canada lists 12 SDH, that include income, gender, race and racism, childhood experiences, and education. These factors are all interlinked and speak to a complex web of factors that impact our health and well-being as individuals and as a community.

    The most important SDH is income as it acts as a proxy for many other SDH, and can take into account education, age, and experiences of discrimination or racism. Our health can be impacted directly the struggles associated with being in poverty. Those in low-income households are less likely to participate in physical activity, use green-spaces, or be able to afford healthy or adequate food. Because people in poverty often lack the means to participate in society, they are often socially isolated. The stress experienced from poverty can lead to impacts on our ability to make decisions, and even degrade family or neighborhood cohesion. It comes as no surprise then, that Canadians in the lowest income group are three to four times more likely than those in the highest income group to report poor mental health.

    Knowing the dire impacts that poverty might have on health, it is important to examine who is more likely to be low-income. According to the latest data released from Statistics Canada, you are more likely to be low-income if you are younger, live in a lone-parent household, or are a single adult. Doing a deeper dive, women are on average at higher risk of being low-income compared to men.

    Another key SDH is the role of race, racism, and culture. A 2013 Canadian study suggests that experiences of discrimination increase the risk of poor health and chronic disease, and that Black and Indigenous Canadians are far more likely to experience discrimination. According to the 2016 Census, those who identify as “Aboriginal” are 2.1 times more likely to be low-income compared to those who are not. In the past decade, Indigenous groups have experienced worse labour force participation outcomes than those who are not Indigenous. Similarly, visible minority groups are 1.8 times more likely to be low-income, although prevalence decreases as immigrants settle, have children, and find work. In Edmonton, unemployment rates for Black women and men are nearly two times higher than the rates for their (non-racialized?) counterparts in the rest of the population. The gap in median annual wages between Black women and women in the rest of the population is under $10,000, whereas the gap between Black men and men in the rest of the population is over $22,000.

    Untangling the social determinants of health and addressing their root causes requires a drastic reordering of how we govern and treat one another. Steps to decolonize our health care system and increase awareness and training on how to be anti-racist are critical steps in moving towards eradicating health inequalities. Government transfer programs, such as a Universal Basic Income, may have potential in addressing poor health as it relates to income. A basic income would guarantee that everyone, regardless of their work status, could meet their basic needs and live in dignity. The Canadian federal government has recently identified basic income as one of its top policy priorities. Stay tuned for more details closer to home via the Basic Income Campaign for Alberta.

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  • Blog: How the pandemic affected the mental health of communities made vulnerable

    Blog: How the pandemic affected the mental health of communities made vulnerable

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    With the COVID-19 response still focused on mitigating the spread of infection, treating severe cases, and ensuring the health care system does not collapse, people in Canada have coped very differently on how the virus could potentially impact their lives. Even with the existence of online support and help, these services may not necessarily directly address how the pandemic itself threatens the mental health of those with severe mental health illness, addictions, and those living in high-risk and vulnerable situations. A nationwide survey entitled, COVID-19 effects on the mental health of vulnerable populations, by the Canadian Mental Health Association has looked at how the pandemic has exacerbated mental health problems in different groups “including parents, those with existing mental illness or mental health issues, Indigenous people and those with a disability or who identify as LGBTQ+” (CMHA, 2020).

    Overall, people in Canada feel very anxious and report that their mental health has declined due to the pandemic. Although most people have continuously connected with their family and friends virtually and maintained a healthy lifestyle, not everyone is affected equally. Compared to 6% of the general population, those with disability, living in low income, who are Indigenous, POC, and identify as LGBTQ+ have higher rates of suicidal thoughts since the pandemic started. The mental health of women in families are also more impacted than those of men. This pandemic has taken a toll on and widened the mental health inequities of people who are already made vulnerable due to social, economic, and systemic inequalities.

    Furthermore, those with preexisting mental health illness and/or substance use disorders are even more vulnerable during the pandemic (Vigo, Patten, & Pajer, 2020). Since these individuals are generally at higher risk of other health problems and are more likely to engage in unhealthy coping behaviours, it’s plausible that they have underlying health issues that make them vulnerable to the virus. Because of the strict social distancing measures initially enacted by the government, isolation and lack of social interaction with families and friends worsen symptoms of anxiety and any subsequent coping responses or relapses. Additionally, disruptions in social services and mental health care or possibilities of unemployment can turn recreational use of substances into something problematic (CAMH, 2020). As well, those who are houseless or live in shelters or group homes are more vulnerable not just to contracting and spreading the virus, but also to the increasing mental health inequities intensified by the pandemic.

    The existence of online support and other wellness information have been curated to meet the needs of the general population. These types of information services may not necessarily be appropriate for individuals in vulnerable situations who may be better helped with in-person services and may have barriers to accessing online services (MHCC, 2020). Other factors include confidentiality on who has access to emails and text messages, and who is potentially watching or reading over their shoulder while getting online help. Furthermore, those who live in violent living conditions such as domestic abuse and/or child abuse are placed in more precarious situations while isolated with their abuser and are less likely to access safe spaces and services, or may not feel comfortable seeking virtual help. With women and children’s mental health already negatively impacted by the pandemic, this problem is heightened in these high-risk living conditions.

    The CMHA report highlights that families are finding ways to cope with and protect their mental health by exercising and connecting with family and friends. However, this privilege doesn’t necessarily apply to everyone who are in vulnerable positions. The impact of COVID-19 does not just put these individuals at increased risk of negative health, economic, and social outcomes, but it also highlights pre-existing inequities in access to health care, housing, income and social supports that currently exists. Significant policy and systemic changes must occur to not just to protect every person’s mental health, but to improve the social conditions of those made vulnerable by systemic inequities. Both the Mental Health Commission of Canada and the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health have provided their own recommendations on long-term policy and systemic changes which include: providing and expanding a range of mental health resources and supports (in-person and virtually); investing in social determinants of health such as income supports (i.e. basic income guarantee and affordable housing); and providing more support for health and mental health providers so that they can better serve the community.

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  • Blog: Poverty and Women’s Incarceration in Alberta

    Blog: Poverty and Women’s Incarceration in Alberta

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    Few may know of ESPC’s history supporting the formation of non-profits in the criminal justice sector. Although not typically an area of focus for our organization—we defer to the expertise of these partners—the social issues for which we do advocate, such as poverty, housing, and employment, are inextricably linked to the criminal justice system, especially when analyzed through a gender-based lens.

    The Elizabeth Fry Society of Calgary released a report in 2019 to provide background on the situation of incarcerated women in Alberta. Elizabeth Fry societies operate as independent regional non-profits across Canada, offering a range of programs and services for women who are involved with the justice system—that is, those who are criminalized or at risk of becoming criminalized. The Calgary report sought to inform their own local programming, and to respond to the lack of available data in Alberta on incarceration rates. Unfortunately, most Alberta-based data sources are incomplete—the province has not released corrections data since 2012.

    Provincial correctional systems (including remand centres) are populated with offenders who are either sentenced to two years or less, or who are awaiting trial or sentencing. Individuals sentenced to more than two years are placed in federal institutions. According to the report, the majority of sentences in Alberta are a result of property damage, along with minor theft (under $5,000) and mischief; the most common charge against women is that of minor theft, often as a result of shoplifting (p. 4).

    Research on incarceration rates across Canada suggests that “criminal acts committed by women are generally connected to poverty” (p. 7). The evidence shows that 80% of women in Canadian institutions are there for poverty-related crimes, with nearly half of those the result of simply failing to pay a fine. Regrettably, Alberta ranks highest in the country for charges or incarceration related to this kind of “criminal activity.” Of the women in provincial institutions, 74% indicated they were unable to financially meet their basic needs at the time of their arrest. In the face of hunger or homelessness, many of these women turned to crime to support themselves and/or their families. Essentially, poverty-related incarceration unfairly punishes women facing financial hardship, increasing the risk of continued poverty and engagement with the criminal justice system. These challenges often intersect with issues such as addictions, mental health, homelessness, and abuse.

    The number of individuals in Alberta’s remand centres has been steadily increasing since 2008 (p. 5). The uncertainty that accompanies remand custody can be particularly challenging for some individuals. Not knowing their ultimate length of stay can directly impact housing stability (increased risk of missing rent payments or failing to renew a lease on time), employment status (no concrete or reliable return to work date), as well as their ability to maintain child care, personal health, and social networks. A large proportion of incarcerated women are also mothers, which can greatly intensify these challenges. According to one estimation, more than 25,000 Canadian children are separated each year from their mothers due to incarceration (p. 7).

    Systemic racism has played its own role in affecting the incarceration rates of women in Alberta. The disproportionate representation of Indigenous individuals in the criminal justice system is well-documented. Indigenous women make up an average of 38% of the total provincial and territorial incarcerated population in Canada. Alberta, however, is the only province that has failed to release up-to-date provincial data of this kind, although “at last reporting, Alberta had the most disproportionately high level of Indigenous incarceration, surpassing all other jurisdictions in Canada” (p. 6). Whether this has improved or worsened in recent years in unknown.

    Once released, women face numerous barriers to reintegration and healing. Reintegration challenges revolve around broader issues like finance, employment, and housing. According to the data, some of the major challenges that women face include barriers due to: limited education (67%), financial debt (63%), as well as limited access to transportation (48%) and affordable housing (47%) (p. 16-17). Without effective individual release plans, women often don’t have the resources to reintegrate confidently and successfully, and are more at risk of coming up against these challenges or to re-offend for survival.

    Reintegration into society is also deeply connected to continuity: ensuring reliable, stable access to care (health and well-being), and understanding how the social determinants of health affect and are affected by reintegration readiness. Access to appropriate counselling and programming can make a positive impact on women’s well-being, while not having access to community services can increase rates of recidivism.

    Addressing the complex needs of BIPOC offenders is not adequately examined in the report. Although justice reform recommendations support the modification of sentencing measures for BIPOC individuals (take for instance the introduction of Gladue reports for Indigenous offenders), research indicates that providing culturally appropriate programming and supports for individuals already in the system can have a positive effect on reintegration and reduce recidivism. This recommendation is repeated across the Truth & Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls to Action, the final report on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Children, and a recent parliamentary committee study.

    It’s worrying that our provincial governments, both past and present, have been unwilling to release incarceration data since 2012. We cannot homogenize the female experiences of poverty, incarceration, or reintegration. Alberta’s population has diversified since 2012 and we must recognize the range of cultures and needs that are represented in these provincial institutions. Without up-to-date data, poverty reduction strategies to reduce rates of women’s criminalization and incarceration will be inadequate; the struggle to find meaningful ways to dismantle a justice system that reinforces discrimination and inequity will persist.

    [/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.4″ custom_padding=”0px|20px|0px|20px|false|false” border_color_left=”#a6c942″ custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_testimonial author=”Posted by:” job_title=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3IiLCJzZXR0aW5ncyI6eyJiZWZvcmUiOiIiLCJhZnRlciI6IiIsIm5hbWVfZm9ybWF0IjoiZGlzcGxheV9uYW1lIiwibGluayI6Im9uIiwibGlua19kZXN0aW5hdGlvbiI6ImF1dGhvcl93ZWJzaXRlIn19@” portrait_url=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3JfcHJvZmlsZV9waWN0dXJlIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnt9fQ==@” quote_icon=”off” disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”job_title,portrait_url” _module_preset=”default” body_text_color=”#000000″ author_font=”||||||||” author_text_align=”center” author_text_color=”#008ac1″ position_font=”||||||||” position_text_color=”#000000″ company_text_color=”#000000″ background_color=”#ffffff” text_orientation=”center” module_alignment=”center” custom_margin=”0px|0px|4px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”32px|0px|0px|0px|false|false”][/et_pb_testimonial][et_pb_text disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”content” _module_preset=”default” text_text_color=”#000000″ header_text_align=”left” header_text_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.65)” header_font_size=”20px” text_orientation=”center” custom_margin=”||50px|||” custom_padding=”48px|||||”]@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9jYXRlZ29yaWVzIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnsiYmVmb3JlIjoiUmVsYXRlZCBjYXRlZ29yaWVzOiAgIiwiYWZ0ZXIiOiIiLCJsaW5rX3RvX3Rlcm1fcGFnZSI6Im9uIiwic2VwYXJhdG9yIjoiIHwgIiwiY2F0ZWdvcnlfdHlwZSI6ImNhdGVnb3J5In19@[/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][/et_pb_row][/et_pb_section]

  • Blog: The Renewed Push for a Basic Income During the COVID-19 Pandemic

    Blog: The Renewed Push for a Basic Income During the COVID-19 Pandemic

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    Basic income is an old idea that is getting renewed and fresh attention as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. Even before the pandemic occurred, the idea was starting to gain traction. This was observed through the candidacy of Andrew Yang seeking the Democratic nomination for U.S. president, the scholarship of University of Manitoba professor Evelyn Forget, and the advocacy of former Canadian senator Hugh Segal. Now with the economic upheaval triggered by public health measures to slow the spread of the virus, basic income has catapulted from being considered a fringe idea to one garnering mainstream interest and increased public support.

    We’re even starting to see the implementation of a basic income in some form rolled out in different jurisdictions around the world as a result of the pandemic. This includes Spain, Brazil, Germany, as well as efforts to implement pilot programs in 11 major U.S. cities as a result of Stockton, California’s pilot program that has shown early signs of success. The idea is also being given consideration in Scotland. Within our own backyard, the Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB)—an income support program implemented in April 2020 to address the loss of income and employment experienced by millions of Canadians—has even seen calls to convert it into a basic income program. While the federal government has not shown an interest in pursuing this direction thus far (they plan to transition CERB recipients to a modified form of the Employment Insurance program), it’s clear that advocacy for a basic income will not be going away anytime soon.

    At its core, basic income is about providing a certain sum of money to a country’s citizens with no strings attached. This ensures that everyone—regardless of their employment status and income levels—receives a guaranteed income so that they are able to afford the basic necessities that make life enjoyable (e.g. food, shelter, medicine, clothing, transportation, and recreation). Depending on the design of a basic income program, these cash payments could either reach everyone equally—rich, poor, or in-between—or target those with the lowest household incomes, and then progressively phase out as a household’s income rises. The idea has received support from a variety of quarters throughout history, including proponents across the ideological divide: progressive civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. and conservative free-market capitalist Milton Friedman can be counted as supporters of the idea. Long-time followers of the Edmonton Social Planning Council may recall that we have advocated for some type of basic income going as far back as the 1970s, when a guaranteed annual income (with work incentives) was recommended in our 1973 report, Alternatives to Poverty and Welfare in Alberta.

    Supporters of the basic income program see it not only as a poverty reduction tool, but as a way to address other systemic problems our society has not adequately confronted, such as systemic racism and domestic violence (the rationale being that this will empower marginalized groups to achieve greater autonomy and financial security to improve their situation). Previous trials of basic income pilot programs (which include studies in Dauphin, Manitoba in the 1970s and most recently Ontario in 2018) have shown evidence of improved health and well-being among participants, by way of nutrition, mental health, housing security, better employment prospects, and improved educational outcomes.

    Amid all the buzz and activity surrounding discourse on basic income in Canada and around the world, the release of two major new reports bring forth important policy nuances to the discussion. The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Temporary Basic Income: Protecting Poor and Vulnerable People in Developing Countries makes the case for an emergency basic income as a measure to mitigate the worst immediate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on poor and near-poor households that do not have access to social assistance or insurance protection. The report presents a number of policy options available to protect vulnerable people in 132 developing countries and helps to inform a larger conversation about how to build comprehensive social protection systems. The report notes that while there has been an expansion of social protection and assistance measures implemented on a global scale, the vast majority of this spending has occurred in high-income countries (including Canada) while developing countries have lagged behind. As a result, people in developing countries are less resilient to these kinds of economic shocks.

    The World Bank’s Exploring Universal Basic Income: A Guide to Navigating Concepts, Evidence, and Practices takes a broader and more generalized approach to the basic income concept, presenting policy options and how they would align with the stated objectives of the program (i.e. a social justice initiative to address inequalities, or a measure to mitigate the negative effects of job loss due to automation). The document explores the appropriateness of a basic income program depending on the context of the country or region in question, providing options for areas where social assistance is patchy, limited, regressive, or otherwise inadequate.

    The document does not make specific recommendations for or against a basic income, but provides a compass for policy-makers to help navigate key issues, contemplate trade-offs, and offer new data and analysis to better inform choices around the appropriateness and feasibility of a basic income program.

    The World Bank and the UNDP’s reports help provide much-needed data and evidence to inform the conversation around basic income, especially for policy-makers looking to make an advocate’s hope for a more equal and just society come to fruition. The welfare and betterment of our most vulnerable populations depend on all of us to get this right.

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  • Blog: The UCP’s economic “he-covery” plan doesn’t look like Alberta

    Blog: The UCP’s economic “he-covery” plan doesn’t look like Alberta

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    Written by: Tom Ndekezi, Summer Student Research Assistant 

    When Jason Kenney took to the stage in early July to announce the UCP government’s $10 billion injection into Alberta’s infrastructure in the wake of COVID-19 and falling oil prices, he did it with a video. As the camera cut to shots of Kenney’s RV tour of Southern Alberta, where he visited factories, bumped elbows with foremen, and made announcement after announcement in front of a familiar blue podium with Alberta’s Recovery Plan printed in bold block lettering, there was one glaring omission. In the entire four minute runtime of a video shot across Alberta and meant to showcase the province’s economic diversity, there were barely any women.

     Social media took notice, and within hours the UCP’s economic recovery plan had been dubbed the “he-covery.” Shots of Kenney standing hands-on-hips in front of what can only be described as multitudes of white men certainly didn’t help, and whatever version of Alberta the Premier was touring, it certainly didn’t look like one that was 49.8% female and 23.5% people of colour. Whether intentionally or not, the video made a statement, and for many of Kenney’s critics it was a concerning depiction of the Alberta that the current provincial government wants to build, and who it is that they are building it for.

     There’s a temptation to call the lack of women in the provincial government’s video a harmless oversight, but messaging matters. The fact that Kenney chose to drive an RV across the province rather than fly or even take a tour bus says as much. By filling the promotional video for Alberta’s Recovery Plan with images of farms, factories, and distilleries, Kenney and the UCP government were showcasing the Alberta their recovery plan is going to work for. But by leaving out women, Indigenous people, and people of colour, it is unclear as to how those groups fit into that plan.

     It must be acknowledged that the impacts of economic downturns are not distributed evenly, especially in resource economies like Alberta’s. Research from the Edmonton Social Planning Council shows that male-dominated industries like oil and gas tend to react more adversely to recessions than female-dominated industries like healthcare and social services. That being said, losses suffered in the energy sector have reverberations that are felt in every corner of Alberta’s economy, by men and women alike. Women and people of colour also experience higher rates of poverty and financial instability, even when there isn’t a global pandemic wreaking havoc on the economy.

     Alberta’s current economic reality is also complicated by the two-pronged assault brought on by falling oil prices and COVID-19, and women have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic. The suspension of in-person schooling forced many families to make tough decisions regarding childcare, and more often than not it was women who had to bear the burden of those responsibilities. Women have also lost over twice as many jobs as men as a result of the pandemic, many of which were part-time, low-wage positions.

     Women are quite literally on the frontlines of the pandemic. Not only are women the overwhelming majority of essential workers like nurses, cashiers and personal support workers, but sadly, women also make up the majority of Canada’s COVID-19 cases and deaths. In the same way that we have seen the effects of falling oil prices target male-dominated industries, the dynamics of the pandemic have been such that women have been especially vulnerable. Therefore to try and propose a provincial economic recovery plan that fails to highlight women is shortsighted and incomplete at best, and yet the UCP has done exactly that.

     The promotional video blunder might have been just that, a blunder, but it is also the latest example of the UCP’s increasing disregard for women’s issues. We have already seen the current provincial government deem health services required by women unnecessary and deny them a seat at the table for the province-wide curriculum review. The lack of female representation in Alberta’s Recovery Plan seems to be the most recent manifestation of that indifference.

    The provincial government has billed Alberta’s Recovery Plan as a “plan for today that provides hope for the future.” Unfortunately, the first images of that plan look like the Alberta of yesterday. In a province whose population is becoming more and more diverse, the disparity between the UCP’s picture of Alberta and what Alberta actually looks like is only going to grow. At the end of the day, a poorly thought out promotional video may not be of any real consequence, but the UCP government would be wise to remember that when it comes to painting grand visions of the future, what you say is often just as important as what—or who—you leave out.

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  • Blog: Youth Homelessness in the Face of COVID-19: Challenges and Innovations.

    Blog: Youth Homelessness in the Face of COVID-19: Challenges and Innovations.

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    The COVID-19 outbreak has disproportionately impacted people experiencing homelessness. While  Canadians  were told to isolate at home, physically distance, and regularly wash their hands to prevent the spread of the virus and to protect their own health, youth who are experiencing homelessness often lack a stable home in which to isolate, the ability to physically distance, access to basic hygiene, and the social and mental health supports needed to cope.

    The Canadian Observatory on Homelessness and A Way Home Canada jointly released a report, Youth Homelessness and COVID-19, describing the unique challenges youth-serving organizations across Canada are facing as they try to meet the needs of youth who have experienced or are currently experiencing homelessness during the pandemic, and the innovative solutions these organizations have found.

    In Canada, youth homelessness refers to young people between the ages of 13 and 24 who are living independently of parents and/or caregivers, but do not have the means or ability to acquire a stable, safe, or consistent residence. According to A Way Home Canada, approximately 20% of people experiencing homelessness are youth, and 6,000 of them experience homelessness every night.

    During this pandemic, youth-serving organizations have struggled to stay connected to those who use their services. With the discontinuation of in-person programming, organizations have shifted to online platforms. However, many of their clients do not have access to reliable internet, phones, or other forms of technology. In addition, many of these organizations no longer have the capacity for outreach services, due to a loss of funding, loss of staff, and/or health and safety concerns. Shelters have had to close or reduce their capacity in order to ensure physical distancing. With a reduced ability to connect with youth, it is extremely difficult to offer supports needed to navigate both homelessness and COVID-19 safety measures.

    Source: Amanda Buchnea, Mary-Jane McKitterick, David French (2020). Summary Report: Youth Homelessness and COVID-19: How the youth serving sector is coping with the crisis. Toronto, ON: Canadian Observatory on Homelessness Press and A Way Home Canada.

    For agencies that work with unhoused or provisionally accommodated youth, 57% noted that meeting their basic needs—such as food and shelter—was one of the biggest challenges they faced.  Providing youth with COVID-19 specific supports, such as information on health or emergency income, was an additional challenge. Agencies also reported that youth who were housed lacked mental health support, which can make maintaining stable housing difficult. Furthermore, youth in crisis do not have access to programming such as drop-in centers, in-person social programs, or emergency shelters, and may have to remain in unsafe living arrangements during the pandemic.

    Despite all these challenges, many organizations have adapted and found innovative solutions to serve youth. Youth-serving agencies have been working closely with community partners to share information and ensure people experiencing homelessness have access to shelter, healthcare, food, public health support, and mental health support. Agencies have found creative ways to meaningfully connect and engage with youth, such as playing games online, hosting online check-ins and support groups, and rearranging spaces to allow in-person programming while remaining physically distanced . They have also focused their outreach on mental health and well-being. The broader community has increasingly stepped-in to support youth with financial donations and fundraisers, food banks, and supplies.

    The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly changed how we see and interact with the world. While it has been difficult adjusting to this new way of life, it has also forced us to rethink how we address wider social issues, and subsequently, how we treat the most vulnerable people in our society. The lessons we are learning as we deal with homelessness during the pandemic need to be carried into the future so we can end homelessness altogether.

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