Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Blog: Poverty

  • Blog: Literacy and Poverty Reduction: Exploring Barriers to Success

    Blog: Literacy and Poverty Reduction: Exploring Barriers to Success

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    It’s worth noting that the information we have on adult literacy rates is limited. The federal government only started tracking this in 2012, and has scheduled data collection on a ten-year cycle. This means that the data we currently rely on is nearly a decade old, and the next available data will be released in 2023. That being said, we can still understand the importance of literacy skills as a means to economic and personal success.

    Literacy and essential skills are defined as a person’s ability to “interpret information, make decisions, and solve problems in personal, work, and community life.” Frontier College is a Canadian literacy organization with a focus to increase adult literacy and skills, and in 2019 published a report on the topic: Literacy and Essential Skills as a Poverty Reduction Strategy. The key idea? Meaningful poverty reduction strategies in Canada must include literacy programming.

    Literacy and poverty in Canada

    Measurement of literacy rates is scaled from 0 to 5. Those who fall within levels 1-2 are least literate, while a rate of 3 is considered a standard high school literacy level. Nationally, 17% of Canadians have literacy skills at level 1, while another 32% are rated at level 2—that is nearly half of all Canadians (49%) who are struggling with literacy skills below level 3. 

    There is definitive evidence on the relationship between literacy skill level and household income. It can be much harder to find a job with low literacy skills, and the jobs that are available are often low-wage. Evidence shows that “adults with low literacy skills are less likely to be employed and tend to stay unemployed for longer periods” (Frontier College, 2019, p. 2). For individuals with literacy rates in the lowest category, 29% were low-income households (Statistics Canada, 2016).

    This leads us to discover further nuances in the evidence, as “research on low income has emphasised certain at-risk groups. These are demographic groups that have higher low-income rates, such as recent immigrants, Aboriginal persons, unattached non-elderly persons and people with activity limitations…. while 17% of all persons had a literacy score of in the lowest category, 30% of recent immigrants, 26% of Aboriginal persons, 27% of unattached non-elderly persons and 23% of people with an activity limitation had a literacy score level in the lowest category in 2012” (Statistics Canada, 2016, p. 2).  

    In terms of earnings, we can see that “literacy skill level and household income are positively related. At $84,600, the median household income for individuals with the highest literacy proficiency (level 4 and level 5) was 70% higher than it was for those with lowest literacy proficiency (level 1 and below), and 33% higher than for those in the level 2 proficiency category” (Statistics Canada, 2016, p. 2).

     The report

    Literacy improvement provides low-skilled adults with resources to face challenges in everyday life—resources such as improved confidence, greater autonomy, and increased resilience.

    Frontier College conducted a comprehensive study to analyze literacy service providers and offer best practices in programming, providing a snapshot of the current state of literacy programming across Canada, along with recommendations for an integrated poverty reduction strategy framework.

    The report outlines numerous barriers that affect an individual’s access to literacy programming. However, poverty itself is first and foremost a barrier to accessing learning opportunities. “The experience of living in poverty is the primary barrier for individuals seeking to participate in skill upgrading programs. An individual who lacks the resources they need to pay for basic necessities, whether it be food, shelter, clothing, or transportation, is unable to consider the possibility of accessing [literacy] programs or holding down a job” (Frontier College, 2019, p. 20). For many, poverty creates intersectional and compounding challenges like limited mobility, poor health, low-income, and shelter.

    The study found that the most significant structural barriers were access to reliable transportation (80%) and access to child care services (77%). Other barriers were more personal, including negative experiences with education and learning (80%), addictions (70%), and health issues (70%). Further challenges with food insecurity, access to stable housing, limited social networks of support, language, and general well-being act as compounding factors to overcoming these barriers. By offering holistic, integrated service delivery models (that is, supports for multiple barriers in one single location), service providers can help to mitigate some of these challenges by building a sense of trust, community, and opportunity.

    Literacy skills can help to improve the quality of an individual’s life, and alleviate some of the harms caused by poverty. We at ESPC are aware of the connections between literacy and poverty, having previously produced information sheets on the topic (back in 2012 and 2015), in addition to an on-going project in collaboration with The Learning Centre Literacy Association. An integrated solution in Canada will only serve to strengthen our communities; knowing that Canada’s current Poverty Reduction Strategy incorporates literacy is a great start. To ensure this remains a long-term and effective strategy to help eliminate poverty, providing access to opportunities for those who need them the most must be a priority. 

     

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  • Blog: The State of women’s housing needs and homelessness in Canada

    Blog: The State of women’s housing needs and homelessness in Canada

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    Women and girls in Canada are disproportionately affected by housing issues and homelessness, meaning that they experience these problems in unique and harsh ways. On June 25, 2020, The Women’s National Housing and Homelessness Network (WNHHN) released a report on the state of women’s housing needs and homlessness in Canada. This report was produced by the Canadian Observatory on Homelessness, guided by experts from WNHHN and women with lived experiences. It involved a comprehensive review of available literature on women’s homelessness, detailing the major findings, and describing the unique challenges that women experiencing homelessness face.

    Marginalized women deal with high rates of poverty and a lack of social and affordable housing. For example, 21% of racialized women and 32% of Indigenous women with treaty status are low income. In addition, a quarter of a million Canadian households are on a waiting list for subsidized housing. As a result, they may struggle to find adequate housing for their families. They are forced to live in inadequate types of housing such as overcrowded apartments or motels, or to couch surf with friends and family, trade sex for shelter, or live with abusive partners. This is called hidden homelessness: women are less likely to use mainstream shelters, drop-in services, or other services for those experiencing homelessness, and tend to stay out of the public eye. As a result, they are often under-reported in homelessness counts, and their experiences of homelessness are under-researched.

    This lack of data on women’s homelessness makes it difficult for programs to address their unique needs. Programs and services designed for women experiencing homelessness have policies and gaps that may unintentionally create hardships for their clients. Examples include strict eligibility criteria that make accessing services difficult, discrimination or lack of services for LGBTQ2S+ and BIPOC women, connections with the child welfare system that make women fear their children will be taken away, and an overall lack of funding. These issues may drive women into emergency services that do not recognize or know how to respond to their unique experiences. When women do not receive proper housing support, they may be forced to live in dangerous conditions, putting them at higher risk for assault and sexual violence—issues that make homelessness a uniquely dangerous situation for women.

    The report notes that these issues are not experienced equally. Indigenous women, girls, and gender diverse people are more likely to be low-income, live in inadequate housing, and experience homelessness and violence. Yet they are also the most underserved in the sector—there are few services that specifically target these groups, and mainstream shelters may not have the knowledge or resources needed to help them.

    The authors argue that addressing women’s homelessness is essential to ending homelessness more broadly. Mothers are often the primary caregivers within families experiencing housing instability; 28% of single mothers face this reality. When women and their families lack access to adequate housing, experience violence, and interact with child welfare services, the likelihood that their children will repeat cycles of homelessness increases. Addressing women’s homelessness now will prevent homelessness in the future.

    The report indicates a need for more research to get a better understanding of women’s homelessness in Canada, and to address these complex issues in housing, homelessness, and other public sector policies. The authors also call for housing to be considered a right in order to address the specific barriers women face, and ultimately end poverty and homelessness for women.

     

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    • Blog: Impact of the pandemic on the LGBTQI2S community

      Blog: Impact of the pandemic on the LGBTQI2S community

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      Egale Canada, in partnership with INNOVATIVE Research Group recently released a report, Impacts of COVID-19: Canada’s LGBTQI2S Community in Focus, which highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected the LGBTQI2S community in Canada. The results from this research have been disseminated to the government to create changes in policies that help one of our most vulnerable communities.

      Their research found that “53% of LGBTQI2S households have been affected by lay-offs and reduced hours as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. This compares to 39% of overall Canadian households” (p.3).  Furthermore, a proportion of the respondents don’t believe that they could get another job if they wanted to. This means barriers that LGBTQI2S individuals encounter in the labour market are further exacerbated during the pandemic, creating additional stress like housing and/or food insecurity.

      Moreover, the LGBTQI2S respondents are not just disproportionately impacted but they also perceive that the pandemic will negatively impact their mental health, physical health, household finances, and overall quality of life, at an exponentially higher rate than the average Canadian. The research also found that LGBTQI2S respondents are more likely to be living with a chronic health condition or physical disability; as such, they are more worried that they could transmit the coronavirus to a vulnerable person. Similarly, the impact of COVID-19 is particularly acute among those LGBTQI2S individuals with chronic illness.

      Systemic barriers in the health care system may also prevent these individuals from seeking medical assistance, especially during the pandemic. According to ESPC’s report Needs and Gaps in Services of Edmonton’s LGBTQ Population and Norquest College’s report Provider Perspectives: Understanding Support Barriers for LGBTQ2 People, the gaps in services and front-line training have not been addressed or properly implemented. The lack of knowledge among health care providers and front-line workers about how to care for these community members exacerbates the gap in quality of health between LGBTQI2S individuals and the general Canadian population. Further, the mistrust of LGBTQI2S individuals over health care providers due to previous encounters of discrimination prevent them from seeking health assistance or even receiving follow-up care. The pandemic will further alienate these individuals with underlying health conditions who need these services, especially when a higher percentage of LGBTQI2S persons choose to self-isolate to protect themselves and others (Egale, 2020).

      Furthermore, a report by the Standing Committee on Health of the House of Commons, The Health of LGBTQIA2 Communities in Canada, found that inequities in health are heightened when factors such as age, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, gender identity, and sexual orientation intersect. Their report also found that LGBTQI2S individuals have higher rates of chronic illnesses, like asthma. Ailments such as these increase the risk and severity of a COVID-19 infection.

      These reports push for similar mandates: improving data collection to provide a clearer picture of the lives of different gender and sexual identities; providing better training in provision of care; consulting LGBTQI2S individuals and organizations so that government policies and programs include targeted measures and funding to ensure current services can continue to provide support to these communities made vulnerable by inadequate systems.

      Please support local organizations that continuously provide essential services to the LGBTQI2S community.

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    • Blog: Universalizing child benefits as a means of promoting social cohesion

      Blog: Universalizing child benefits as a means of promoting social cohesion

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      Child poverty continues to be a persistent global problem. While the rates of people living in extreme poverty observed worldwide have declined significantly—the United Nations has noted 10% of the world’s population lives on less than $1.90 USD a day as of 2015, which is down from 36% in 1990—children experience poverty at twice the rate as their adult counterparts around the world. About 385 million children are still struggling to live on less than $1.90 USD a day.

      A proven and effective poverty reduction tool is the implementation of child benefits, which provide direct financial relief for families in the form of cash or tax transfers. They have been demonstrated to drive down poverty rates and help children flourish, improving their overall well-being, health, education, food security, productivity, and ability to contribute to their societies and economies when they reach adulthood. Indeed, these investments to families has been something the Edmonton Social Planning Council has long been recommending in our yearly Alberta child poverty reports (you can view our most recent report here) co-published with Public Interest Alberta and the Alberta College of Social Workers.

      A new report, Universal child benefits: Policy issues and options, jointly released by UNICEF and the Overseas Development Institute, makes the case for universal child benefits and provides practical recommendations and key considerations for governments embarking on policy decisions regarding benefits for children. These considerations include taking into account different policy priorities and trade-offs (e.g. child rights, costs and financing, child poverty demographics, and administrative capacity).

      Child benefits can take on a number of characteristics, but a universal child benefit is typically paid on a regular basis as a cash or tax transfer to the primary caregiver for dependent children under 18 years of age and paid for a minimum of 10 years (this constitutes a meaningful period and more than half of childhood). Quasi-universal child benefits differ when they are designed to be short-term and age-limited allowances (e.g. paid to children aged 0 to 3 years), means-tested (e.g. they cover the majority of households and screen out high-income households), and/or mixed-schemes allowances that combine social insurance and social assistance schemes to achieve universal or close to universal coverage of children. These programs typically cover citizens and legal residents of their country, excluding children with refugee or undocumented status. Nevertheless, some countries like Denmark, Estonia, and Hungary extend these benefits to refugee children with a certain recognized status.

      In the case of Canada, the Canada Child Benefit is considered a quasi-universal child benefit where families with the lowest incomes receive the maximum amount (which is currently an annual $6,765 per child under age 6 or $5,708 per child age 6 to 17) while those with higher incomes receive progressively less until the benefit is phased out entirely for the wealthiest households.

      The report found that in 15 high-income countries, delivering universal child benefits alone led to a 5-percentage point reduction in child poverty, on average. The targeting of disadvantaged households within a universalistic system can also be highly effective in reducing poverty. When higher benefit levels were targeted towards the bottom 40% and taxed back from high earners, it was shown to have the highest poverty reduction impact. The most effective designs for benefit programs were those that achieved high population coverage, indexed for inflation, and delivered regularly had a higher impact on lowering poverty. These benefits, acting alongside the availability of quality public services (i.e. schools and health care) and complementary programming, were critical in ensuring that cash transfers lead to improvements in non-monetary outcomes such as education, health status, and nutrition.

      Policy coverage of children remains comparatively low. It is estimated that around 35% of these benefits reach children and families on a global scale, and the coverage varies considerably across regions. While almost 90% of citizens in Europe and Central Asia receive child benefits, only 16% in Africa receive them.

      Despite the importance of the Canada Child Benefit as a poverty reduction tool, the program still leaves out vulnerable Canadians. Since receiving benefits is contingent upon filing a tax return every year, around 10% of eligible households do not receive these benefits as they are unable to file their income taxes. This is especially the case for those living in remote areas or on First Nations reserves. In addition, Canada’s level of investment is average when compared to other rich countries. This is a particularly pressing concern in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the detrimental effects it has had on the economy. As the economic fallout threatens to roll back years of progress in reducing poverty, universal child benefits can be a lifeline, protecting vulnerable families from deepening levels of poverty and deprivation. Insuring the Canada Child Benefit is adjusted to provide sufficient relief during times of crisis is vital to the success of the initiative.

      The report highlights that universalizing benefits reduces risks often associated with narrow means testing where some families in need are left without financial support. The universalization of these programs also helps to remove the stigma associated with benefit schemes in general.

      Overall, the report provides a comprehensive roadmap and guidance for policy planners all over the world seeking to overhaul existing child benefit programs or develop new schemes in order to achieve universal child benefits. It takes into account the financial situations of individual countries along with various trade-offs and priorities to consider and balance.

      When supported by comprehensive social protection systems and quality social services, universal child benefits are integral to promoting social cohesion and public support for social protection.

       

       

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    • Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

      Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

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      By now Canada is well aware that the pandemic has hit vulnerable communities hardest. Within Canada, we know that this includes, among others, women, people with disabilities, and Indigenous communities.

      Statistics Canada has published a short overview, Indigenous people in urban areas: vulnerabilities to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19, to provide information on the vulnerabilities that some Indigenous peoples face due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

      The report focuses on indicators that show Indigenous communities are highly vulnerable to financial impacts. However, the data is from the 2016 Census and the 2017 Aboriginal People’s Survey. Current, relevant, and accurate Indigenous data is incredibly difficult to come by. So while this is some of the information that we do know, it’s important to remember that these numbers represent households in urban areas off reserve, offering a limited sub-set of Indigenous data and therefore not representative of all Indigenous peoples and populations.

      The results from these two surveys indicate that 24% of Indigenous people living in urban centres are in poverty (compared to 13% for those who are not Indigenous). Within these urban areas, 30% of Indigenous youth (18 years or younger) live in poverty; the number increases to 37% for foster children, 43% for kids living with only grandparents, and 51% for kids living with single-parents. These are staggering numbers when compounded with economic hardships faced by adults during a pandemic. Furthermore, Indigenous adults are at higher risk of living in a food insecure household (38%), an issue that affects women (41%) more than men (34%).

      Many Indigenous people work in low-wage jobs, and have been affected by work stoppage and lost income since the pandemic. Challenges to meet rent, pay transportation costs, and purchase groceries are among top concerns and priorities. For those who do not have access to the internet or a computer at home, they can face further work interruptions, and may also have children who are struggling to keep up with at-home learning. Clearly there are systemic disadvantages that Indigenous peoples face to not only survive, but to succeed during challenging times like this.

      Stay tuned for our exploration of data as it relates to racialized populations in Canada, coming soon.  

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    • Blog: Parkland Institute report on migrant workers living without status

      Blog: Parkland Institute report on migrant workers living without status

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      The beginning of the 21st century saw a surge in migrant workers coming to Canada to take on various jobs under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). At its peak, there were as many as 400,000 Temporary Foreign Workers (TFW) in Canada, with about 77,000 of them residing in Alberta. Alberta had the most TFWs in the nation per capita. Within the last five years, due to economic downturns and changes in federal policy, the TFWP has been severely curtailed with many migrant workers losing their status, with just 32,000 migrant workers holding a work permit by 2018. While a number of people returned to their country of origin, a smaller contingent decided to stay.

      The Parkland Institute’s recent report, In the Shadows: Living and Working Without Status in Alberta, seeks to understand the situation for those who have remained in Alberta who have lost their status and offer ideas for how their lives can be made better, both in the short-term and the long-term. It is estimated that there are between 10,000 to 20,000 migrant workers from the TFWP living in Alberta who have lost their status.

      Prior to changes in policy, TFWs in Alberta were most commonly working jobs in construction, retail clerks, light housekeeping, cooks, and food servers. The most common countries or regions of origin included those from the Philippines, India, Central America, and Eastern Europe.

      For the report, authors Marco Luciano (of Migrante Alberta) and Jason Foster (professor at Athabasca University) interviewed 32 undocumented migrant workers, 17 women and 15 men. Of the 32 participants, 29 came from the Philippines while the remaining three came from Mexico, Chile, and Ukraine. The majority of occupations the participants worked in were retail or fast-food employment as well as construction or landscaping labourers.

      Participants spoke in great detail about their experience, highlighting a number of issues they faced when working with status. These ranged from receiving less pay and fewer hours than promised, unsafe working conditions, and abusive working environments. If they wished to leave their employer to take on a different job, the onerous process of changing their permit made it a difficult process.

      Many lost their status in 2015 when their employer failed to apply to renew their work permits or their renewal was denied due changes in federal policy that made the TFWP more restrictive as a result of worsening economic conditions. In other instances, worsening health conditions were another reason for not renewing their work permit.

      While it’s believed most migrant workers in the TFWP returned to their country of origin, a small contingent chose to stay. The reasons for staying including a lack of opportunity back home, the need to support their family abroad, and building a life for their Canadian-born children.

      While they no longer have a valid work permit, many of them do remain in Canada legally, although with a different visa (e.g. visitor or student). While formalized employment relationships are largely out of reach, many find work in the informal sector doing tasks for cash for friends, neighbours, and family members. These jobs include house cleaning, babysitting, cooking, and casual labour jobs. Due to the informal nature of the work, hours and pay are inconsistent and the jobs are temporary or fleeting. These working arrangements compound their marginalized status as they try to survive. Issues arising from this working relationship include not being paid in a timely manner or being forced to accept unfairly lower wages. Outside of the workplace, access to health care and education become a barrier to access, as they become ineligible for government-funded programs and services. While hospitals are obligated to treat any patient regardless of status, migrant workers without status will get billed for treatment, racking up large expenses. Other services, such as libraries, income support programs, child and family benefits, banking, and obtaining a driver’s license, become out of reach or precarious as a result of their work permits expiring. All of this results in negative impacts on their physical, financial, and mental well-being.

      Despite all of these hardships they have endured, the participants demonstrated a resilience in their hopes for the future, and still possess a faith that things will work out in the future.

      The report concludes with 27 recommendations that federal, provincial, and municipal governments can pursue to make the lives of these migrant workers better. These recommendations are divided between immediate actions that can be taken as well as systemic and long-term changes that can be implemented. These recommendations include amending rules to ensure migrant workers can receive income support benefits, overhauling Canada’s migrant worker programs to eliminate exploitation and abuse, issuing open work permits with mobility rights in the labour market, ensuring all medical services are provided free of charge regardless of status, municipalities declaring themselves as a “Sanctuary City” among various other recommendations.

      The Parkland Institute’s report sheds some much-needed light on the circumstances these workers face and the need for a comprehensive reform of these immigration policies so that humane practices are prioritized is certainly urgent. The fact that so many of these migrant workers cannot earn a living wage (which the Edmonton Social Planning Council calculates it to be at $16.51 per hour in Edmonton as of 2019) only compounds the great difficulty these workers have in eking out an existence where they can survive, let alone thrive.

      While the Temporary Foreign Worker issue has receded from our attention in recent years, this report makes a strong case for renewed attention and action.

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