Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Blog: Poverty

  • Blog: Financial vulnerability: Who is at risk if the government fails to step up?

    Blog: Financial vulnerability: Who is at risk if the government fails to step up?

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    How financially secure are Canadians when faced with work disruptions? If our current economic climate is anything to go by, not very.

    Turns out Statistic Canada has studied this issue in their recent report, Work Interruptions and financial vulnerability. Using data from the 2016 Survey of Financial Security (which, the authors note, remains a reasonable comparison to financial circumstances for Canadians just prior to COVID-19), the study helps determine which Canadians are most vulnerable financially during a temporary period of work interruption.

    The government’s response to our current economic lockdown, implementing programs like the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) and the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS), has certainly helped a portion of those who face challenges in meeting household and financial obligations. However, an exploration of financial vulnerability in the absence of these income support programs demonstrates just how vulnerable Canadians really are, and which groups among them are most in need of sustainable financial improvements.

    Households in Canada are saving less money than they used to, exacerbating anxieties around financial instability. Their risk of falling below the poverty line, if faced with a two-month work disruption, increases as the savings rate drops.

    In the face of mandated COVID-19 restrictions, nearly one-third of Canadians have indicated a noticeable impact on “their ability to meet financial obligations or essential needs.” The data shows that single mothers are some of the most vulnerable individuals when faced with work interruption (check out ESPC’s 2020 Alberta child poverty report for our take on families and poverty); 56% would be faced with the inability to make ends meet—even if they sold liquid assets or had access to private sources of income (e.g. investments or property).

    Additionally, 67% of households whose main income earner is 35 years or younger without a high school diploma would be at high risk of financial vulnerability if faced with two months of work interruption and no government transfers.

    Other highly vulnerable households are those headed by Indigenous individuals (47%) or newcomers (50%). We at ESPC are very aware of the challenges that Indigenous and immigrant communities can face, and continue to advocate for equitably policies and supports to address these issues.

    Based on the data, financially vulnerable families would need approximately $1,745 per month, on average, to keep them above the poverty line. These are 2016 numbers, remember; inflation and the consumer price index should be considered when translating this into current 2020 terms. CERB currently provides $2,000 per month to eligible individuals, which is, for many, a great start. But it is worth noting that it also has its limits, and is not accessible to all those who remain financially vulnerable.

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  • Blog: Gig economy and the impact of COVID-19

    Blog: Gig economy and the impact of COVID-19

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    What is it?

    According to Statistics Canada (2019), gig economy is defined as “unincorporated self-employed workers who enter into various contracts with firms or individuals to complete a specific task or to work for a specific period of time for which they are paid a negotiated sum (p.7).” Online platforms and crowdsourcing marketplaces are also included in this definition, such as: Uber, Lyft, TaskRabbit, Upwork, Guru, Fiverr and Freelancer. A portion of work being picked up also includes “office work” like computer programming, graphic design, and editing (Angus Reid Institute, 2019).

    Major reasons for joining the gig economy include having extra income, control over one’s work hours and the type of work they take on, and flexibility. Other reasons include supplementing retirement income (for those who have retired from full-time work), difficulty finding full-time work, and making ends meet as they have no other choice (Bank of Montreal, 2018; Angus Reid Institute, 2019).

    The downsides with gig economy include financial uncertainty and limited job security, inability to save for retirement, poor regulation, lack of benefits (medical, dental, disability), unprotected workers’ rights,  burnout, insufficient or inconsistent income, a lack of profit, debt accumulation, no access to collective bargaining, the need to provide one’s own tools, and occupational health risks (Bank of Montreal, 2018; Angus Reid Institute, 2019).

    Impact of COVID-19

    Prior to the pandemic, 8-10% of all Canadian workers in 2016 engaged in gig work. About half of those gig workers did so to supplement their income, while the other half did so as their primary source of income (Statistics Canada, 2019).

    The annual income of a typical gig worker is usually low. Generally, of those who entered the gig economy within a given year, only half continued gig work the following year; only “about one-quarter remained as a gig worker for three or more years (p.6).” The 2019 report also found that gig workers are overrepresented in the bottom 40% of the annual income distribution.

    What was found from Statistics Canada’s 2019 report (Measuring the gig economy in Canada using administrative data) was that the number of gig workers increased twice between 2005 and 2016 due to two events: (1) the recession in 2008 and (2) the “proliferation of online platforms” around 2012 and 2013. The proportion of gig workers increased for both those who relied heavily on gig work and those who used it to supplement their current income. It is still unclear whether the impact of the pandemic would produce the same increase of gig workers, given how they are affected by the pandemic and depending on how the economy recovers.

    Based on a recent report by Statistics Canada (2020), The impact of COVID-19 on the gig economy: Short- and long-term concerns, the non-standard work arrangements by gig workers make it very difficult to assess the impact of the pandemic on gig workers because they cannot be identified in any of the main sources of employment data. There is currently no method of tracking real-time data on the gig economy.

    Unfortunately for a lot of these gig workers, they may not be eligible for Employment Insurance benefits, especially those who are self-employed (gig work as primary source of income). On the other hand, they may be eligible for the Canada Emergency Response Benefit if they earned at least $5,000 in 2019.

    A considerable proportion of gig workers have occupations in arts, entertainment, and recreation (Statistics Canada, 2019). However, due to social distancing measures and other restrictions to flatten the curve, they may find it more difficult to maintain their work during the pandemic. Similarly, gig workers “in service industries that require face-to-face interactions with customers will have a harder time dealing with the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic (p.3).” Meanwhile, those who are in professional, scientific, and technical services may be able to provide their services due to remote working.

    You can read the full reports below.

    Sources:

    Statistics Canada 2020

    Statistics Canada Study (alternative link) 2019

    Additional sources:

    Angus Reid Institute Study 2019

    BMO Wealth Management 2018

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  • Blog: Civil society in the age of the UCP government

    Blog: Civil society in the age of the UCP government

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    The University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy recently published a report on the impacts of COVID-19 and the financial relationship between civil society and the provincial government (Alberta’s Civil Society Pre- and Post-COVID-19: What’s Government Got to Do With It?). As a member of Alberta’s civil society, the Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) is dedicated to ensuring that supportive funding for the most vulnerable in our province is sustainable and equitable.

    Civil society, generally defined as “individuals, community groups, labour unions, social movements, organizations (registered or unregistered) that, outside of the state or market, pursue a common good” (p.4), has a complex and interconnected relationship with the government. This is becoming more pronounced during the COVID-19 pandemic, as the provincial government reaches out to this ‘third sector’ as a means of meeting community needs during unprecedented times.

    The majority of civil society organizations in Alberta are partially funded by government support, and generate 11% of the total provincial GDP ($35 billion as of 2017) through their activities (p.6). Now may be the time to make meaningful change in the way that civil society is utilized to effectively increase value and impact for all Albertans, starting with establishing sustainable revenue sources beyond government funding—especially in the wake of COVID-19’s economic impact to our province.

    Civil society can either function as a counter-voice to government action, keeping it accountable and advocating for change, or work in tandem with government initiatives, implementing programs and services on the ground (e.g. public charities focused on education or health). There is, however, a substantial lack of data available, making it difficult to understand the complexities of civil society or to measure its impact. Considering the various organizations and sectors that are included under this umbrella term, it is a challenge to compile comprehensive data to determine evidence of its impact and value. There is also little clarity around the distinction between ‘charity’ and ‘non-profit’ (which have different CRA requirements)—Alberta claims there are over 25,000 charities and non-profits across the province, but does not distinguish in the same way as the CRA, which again limits access to reliable data. But even so, information on civil society actors that fall outside of these two categories (such as local volunteers or unregistered grassroots associations) would nonetheless remain unaccounted for.  

    As of 2017, 11% of all Canadian charities call Alberta home. Of these, 10% are public (schools, hospitals, etc) and 90% are non-public. Public charities received 85% of their funding from the government, whereas non-public charities only receive only 34% of funding from the government (p.6).

    Whether civil society can pick up the slack from budgetary changes in the past year, compounded by increased economic hardships due to the current pandemic, depends on what key areas the government continues to invest in. As a member of Keep Alberta Strong, ESPC has taken action to call on the current government to maintain support in six priority areas, such as child care and affordable housing. During this period of economic and social uncertainty, it might benefit civil society actors (and government players) to take a look at the interdependent financial relationships between public and non-public charities and the government, and strategize for future sustainability.

    The report makes little mention of austerity measures made by the UCP government in its most recent provincial budgets, where a large portion of cuts were issued within the public and charitable sectors. Rather, the report focuses on economic circumstances in light of COVID-19. It is difficult to consider the current financial stress that many civil society organizations are facing as having two separate and unrelated causes (budget cuts vs. the pandemic), as they have been truly compounded in recent months. ESPC will continue to share details and reports on these issues as they become available. 

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