Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Blog: Racism

  • Blog: Special Series — A History of Indigenous Resistance

    Blog: Special Series — A History of Indigenous Resistance

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    The 2020 resurgence of Black Lives Matter (BLM), while centered on Black communities, has also highlighted racial injustices on a broad scale. In particular, BLM Canada has recognized that their struggles are tied up with the decades-long struggle of Indigenous peoples in Canada, and that “there is no black liberation without Indigenous liberation” (BLM Canada, 2020). This larger movement is illuminating the connections between injustices towards Black and Indigenous communities in Canada, as well as the ways in which they have been fighting back.

    In the 1492 Landback Lane dispute in Caledonia, Ontario, the Haudenosaunee are resisting a subdivision being built on their ancestral lands by occupying the land. Courts sided with the developers, and Ontario Provincial Police have arrested many of the land protectors (Kennedy, 2020). In Nova Scotia, the Sipeke’katik, a Mi’kmaq band, created a self-regulated, rights-based fishery. Non-Indigenous fishers have responded in violent protest, engaging in acts such as blocking boats and destroying property (Coletta, 2020).

    These resistances can be boiled down to one major theme: Indigenous communities asserting and protecting their treaty rights, while White Canadians, with the backing of the state, attempt to stop them. This theme can be seen throughout the history of Canada. Since before Canada was founded, colonial authorities have tried to control Indigenous communities and erase their culture, and these communities have fought back.

    Early “Canadian” History

    Indigenous resistance goes back to before the so-called “founding” of Canada. In the 1800s, for example, Louis Riel organized the Métis to fight for governance and land rights during the Red River and North West Rebellions (Bumsted, 2019; Beal & Macleod, 2019). Throughout the 1880s into the early 1900s, many Indigenous groups formed to fight for issues such as loss of land, failure to recognize land and treaty rights, culturally destructive policies and practices, and poor economic and health conditions on reserves (Dyck & Sadik, 2019).

    In 1967 the National Indian Brotherhood and several provincial groups joined to oppose the White Paper, a proposal to abolish the Indian Act and Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (Dyck & Sadik, 2019). A paper which would have effectively removed the legal status and special rights of Indigenous peoples in Canada (University of British Columbia, n.d.).

    Contemporary Struggles

    Indigenous communities are protecting traditional lands that non-Indigenous people continue to encroach on. During the Oka Crisis (1990), the Kanien’kehá:ka (People of the Flint, or commonly known as Mohawk people) of Kanehsatà:ke resisted the construction of a golf course on their ancestral lands by setting up a barricade. The town of Oka responded by sending in the military to shut down the protests (Marshall, 2020).

    Idle No More is a grassroots movement that arose in opposition to Bill C-45, which eroded environmental protections and treaty rights. The movement sought to honor treaties and re-establish nation-to-nation relations between Indigenous communities and Canada. It used teach-ins, rallies, protests, flash mob round dances, and social media to share messages and influence decision-makers (Barker, 2015). Around this time Chief Theresa Spence went on a hunger strike to protest poor conditions on her reserve (Barker, 2015). This hunger strike received national media attention, and together with Idle No More, boosted the profile of the poor conditions on Indigenous reserves and the violation of treaty rights.

    More recently, plans for a pipeline through Wet’suwet’en Nation territory, without the hereditary chiefs’ consent, led to a protest checkpoint in order to stop developers. In response, the government sent police to shut them down (Temper, 2018). Indigenous peoples were protesting colonial power by asserting their rights to land and traditional Indigenous authority (McCreary & Turner, 2018).

    Failures of the Government

    Indigenous peoples in Canada have worked with the federal government to address the many injustices they face but have rarely seen actionable changes. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal People (1991) recommended that the government commit to a new set of ethical principles with Indigenous peoples that respects the inherent right to Indigenous self-determination; this was never implemented (Dyck & Sadik, 2019; Marshall, 2020). In 2015 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was created to address the legacy of residential schools. It recommended 94 calls to action, but so far only 10 have been completed (CBC News, 2020). In addition, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (2019) listed 231 calls to address injustices against Indigenous women, but the federal government has yet to implement the recommended national action plan.

    Indigenous communities have been fighting against colonialism, the erasure of their culture, and the erosion of treaty rights for decades. This history shows that real change cannot occur within the current system. Many Indigenous activists in Canada are advocating for an anti-racist and de-colonial approach, in which we dismantle the structures that were designed to assimilate and control them, and replace them with structures that are based in and uphold Indigenous thought and sovereignty. We, as allies, need to listen to the voices of Indigenous people in Canada and advocate for a better social world.

    Further Readings

    Alongside these movements, Indigenous academics, journalists, and literary authors have written about colonialism, the oppression of Indigenous peoples and ways of life, and solutions to these issues based in Indigenous thought. Below are just a few examples:

    • Leanne Betasamosake Simpson is a Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg scholar, writer, and artist. Her work is centered around Nishnaabeg intellectual practices. Her work spans genres and topics, from academic work on indigenous resistance, to literature about contemporary Indigenous issues. Read: Simpson, L. B. (2017). As we have always done. University of Minnesota Press.
    • Tanya Talaga is an Anishinaabe journalist. Her work looks at how colonialism, the separation of Indigenous people from their land, communities, and culture, and legacies of human rights violations have harmed Indigenous youth. Read: Talaga, T. (2018). All our relations: Finding the path forward
    • Eve Tuck’s work focuses on how Indigenous social thought can be engaged to create more fair and just social policy, more meaningful social movements, and robust approaches to decolonization. Read: Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1-40.

    Sources

    Barker, A. J. (2015). A direct act of resurgence, a direct act of sovereignty: Reflections on idle no more, Indigenous activism, and Canadian settler colonialism. Globalizations, 12(1), 43-65. DOI: 10.1080/14747731.2014.971531

    Beal, B., & Macleod, R. (2019). North West Rebellion. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/article/north-west-rebellion

    Black Lives Matter Canada (2020). About Us. https://blacklivesmatter.ca/

    Bumsted, J. M. (2019, Nov 22). Red River Rebellion. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/red-river-rebellion

    CBC News (2020). Beyond 94: Truth and reconciliation in Canada. CBC News. https://newsinteractives.cbc.ca/longform-single/beyond-94?&cta=1

    Coletta, A. (Oct 26, 2020). Indigenous people in Nova Scotia exercised their right to catch lobster: Now they’re under attack. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/canada-nova-scotia-indigenous-lobster-fishery/2020/10/24/d7e83f54-12ed-11eb-82af-864652063d61_story.html

    Dyck, N. & Sadik, T. (2019). Indigenous political organization and activism in Canada. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/aboriginal-people-political-organization-and-activism

    Kennedy, B. (Oct 23, 2020). As standoff at ‘1492 Land Back Lane’ heats up in Caledonia, land defenders say, ‘This is a moment for our people to say no.’ The Star. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2020/10/23/as-standoff-at-1492-land-back-lane-heats-up-in-caledonia-land-defenders-say-this-is-a-moment-for-our-people-to-say-no.html

    Marshall, T. (2020) The Oka Crisis. The Canadian Enclyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/oka-crisis

    McCreary, T., & Turner, J. (2018). The contested scales of Indigenous and settler jurisdiction: Unist’ot’en struggles with Canadian pipeline governance.

    National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. (2019). Reclaiming power and place: The final report of the national inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/

    Temper, L. (2018). Blocking pipelines, unsettling environmental justice: from rights of nature to responsibility to territory. Local Environment 24(2), 94.112.

    University of British Columbia. (n.d.). The White Paper, 1969. First Nations and Indigenous Studies. https://indigenousfounda-tions.arts.ubc.ca/the_white_paper_1969/

     

     

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  • Blog: Special Series — The Road to Black Lives Matter

    Blog: Special Series — The Road to Black Lives Matter

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    Since the death of George Floyd at the hands of a police officer in Minneapolis, we have seen a swell of protests under the banner of Black Lives Matter, drawing attention to the ways in which Black, Indigenous, and people of colour (BIPOC) are oppressed in contemporary society, and calling for social change.

    Black Lives Matter (BLM) an international, member-led, global network that “organize[s] and build[s] local power to intervene in violence inflicted on Black communities by the state and vigilantes” (Black Lives Matter, n.d.). It was created by a trio of Black women in California after the man who killed Trayvon Martin was acquitted in 2013, and grew as attention was drawn to multiple incidences in the USA in which police caused the deaths of Black individuals—and were never charged. In Canada, people protested in solidarity and formed BLM chapters across the country, most notably in Toronto. This group has drawn attention to police killings within the municipal region (Furman, Singh, Darko, & Wilson, 2018; Cole, 2020). BLM largely focuses on police violence but addresses many other areas in which Black people are oppressed, and purposely centers the concerns of female and LGBTQ+ members. For example, In 2016, BLM stopped the Pride parade in Toronto to point out that the Pride organization was not addressing the unique needs of Black LGBTQ+ people, and demanded better treatment (Furman, Singh, Darko, & Wilson, 2018; Cole, 2020). While BLM focuses on issues of police and state brutality, they also work to highlight the lack of leadership positions held by Black trans, queer, or feminine individuals.

    Alongside BLM, there are many Canadian academics and writers who write about the oppressions Black people face in contemporary society. Below are just a few examples:

    • Desmond Cole looks at the ways in which institutions, such as the police, schools, and immigration system, perpetuate anti-Black racism and white supremacy in Canada. He also shows the power of Black communities through highlighting how activists have resisted and fought for change. Read: Cole, D. (2020). The skin we’re in. Double Day Canada
    • Robyn Maynard traces the legacy of slavery into modern institutions in the Canadian context, and the ways in which these institutions perpetuate contemporary issues such as poverty, unemployment, racial profiling, incarceration, child removal, and low graduation rates. Read: Maynard, R. (2017). Policing Black lives: State violence in Canada from slavery to the present. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing
    • Rinaldo Walcott researches a variety of topics related to Black Canadians, ranging from the role of Black Canadians and culture in defining Canada, to the ways in which the Canadian state ignores violence against Black people. Read: Walcott, R. & Abdillahi, I. (2019). Blacklike: Post-BLM and the struggle for freedom. Winnipeg: ARP Books

    BLM comes from a long history of Black-led social movements. Members take inspiration from this history, but also recognize the limitation of these movements and seek to fill those gaps. As such, ESPC decided to look at the history of Black-led social movements and protest in Canada, the changes that occurred because of them, and their limitations.

    The Early 20th Century

    Around the time of the First World War, many Black Canadians noticed the irony of fighting against oppression overseas, only to face oppression when they came home (Calliste, 1995; Waters, 2014). In 1917, Black sleeping car porters, working for some of the largest rail companies, started the first Black worker’s union to fight for better working conditions after they were denied access to White unions (Tomchuck, n.d).

    In Nova Scotia, Viola Desmond—the face of the Canadian 10 dollar bill—fought racism by refusing to leave a “Whites only” section in a Nova Scotia movie theater back in 1946, an act for which she was arrested (Bingham, 2019).

    The Civil Rights Movement

    During the Civil Rights Movement, Canadians formed numerous organizations such as the Alberta Association for the Advancement of Coloured Peoples (Smith & Raphael, n.d.; Waters, 2014). This sweeping movement brought about human rights laws that prohibited discrimination. Many of these laws focused on removing employment discrimination, so Black Canadians could have more opportunity for economic advancement. Unfortunately, these laws were fairly limited in what they could accomplish, and didn’t address the fundamental nature of systemic racism (Callister, 1995; Waters, 2014).

    Black Power

    Black Canadians were deeply involved in the Black Power movement. Black Power arose from young Black people who believed the Civil Rights Movement did not go far enough. They went beyond fighting against discrimination, and fought for Black economic and political power. Rather than being “allowed” into white institutions, they wanted to re-think the social order (Calliste, 1995).

    In 1968, the Congress of Black Writers held an event at which Black Canadians and prominent Black Power members met to discuss Black liberation, and empowering young people to act against racism (Austin 2013). Shortly after, the George Williams affair in Montreal (1969), was spurred after George Williams University administration dismissed claims that a professor was unfairly giving Black students low grades. In protest, the students occupied the campus computer room for 14 days. The affair ended when police stormed the room, beating the protesters and arresting 97 of them (Austin 2013; Forsyth, 1971). In following years, several pieces of legislation were implemented to address systemic barriers that Black and other marginalized people faced, including the Canadian Human Rights Act (1977) the Employment Equity Act (1986), and the Alberta Human Rights Act (1996) (Smith & Raphael, n.d.). The Black Power movements also had limitations as it did not address the unique needs of Black women, and in doing so may have perpetuated gender-based discrimination within the movement (Calliste, 1995).

    Black Canadians have had a long history of fighting against individual, institutional, and systemic racism. However, there is still a lot of work to be done. These past movements have brought in anti-discrimination and human rights laws, yet Black Canadians continue to face discrimination and oppression. Some are now advocating for an anti-racist approach, in which we identify, challenge, and dismantle structures that promote racism, and create and support ones that promote racial equity.

    Sources:

    Austin, D. (2013). Fear of a black nation: Race, sex and security in sixties Montreal. Toronto: Between the lines

    Lorde, A. (1984). The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. In: Sister outsider: Essays and Speeches (pp.110-114). New York: The Crossing Press

    Bingham, R. (2019). Viola Desmond. The Canadian Encyclopedia. https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/viola-desmond

    Black Lives Matter (n.d.). What we believe. Black Lives Matter. https://blacklivesmatter.com/what-we-believe/

    Calliste, A. (1995). The influence of the civil rights and black power movements in Canada. Race, Gender, and Class 2(3). P. 123-139.

    Cole, D. (2020). The skin we’re in. Double Day Canada

    Furman, E., Singh, A. K., Darko, N. A., & Wilson, C. L. (2018). Activism, intersectionality, and community psychology: The way in which Black Lives MAtter Toronto helps us examine white supremacy in Canada’s LGBTQ Community. Community Psychology in Global Perspective, 4(2), 34-54. DOI: 10.1285/i24212113v4i2p34

    Forsythe, D. (1971). Let the niggers burn: The Sir George Williams University affair and its Caribbean aftermath. Montreal: Black Rose Books-Our Generation Press

    Smith, M., & Raphael, D. (n.d.). Focus on visible minorities: Key equity and human rights milestone in Alberta & Canada. University of Alberta

    Tomchuck, T. (n.d.). Black sleeping car porters: The struggle for Black labour rights on Canada’s Railways. Canadian Museum for Human Rights. https://humanrights.ca/story/sleeping-car-porters

    Waters, R. (2014). African Canadian anti-discrimination activism and the transnational civil rights movement, 1945-1965. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 24(2), 386-424.  https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/jcha/2013-v24-n2-jcha01408/1025083ar/

     

     

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  • Blog: Special Series — Racism in Canada

    Blog: Special Series — Racism in Canada

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    We at the Edmonton Social Planning Council are often humbled by how much we are constantly learning about racism, while grappling with our complicity in racist systems. Racism is a devastating social ailment. Its effects span across sectors, with implications in housing, employment, health care, justice, education, and community building. Systemic racism is a network of policies, attitudes, and collective histories that actively harms Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour (BIPOC). In this upcoming series of blog posts, we will be exploring a variety of topics related to racism in Canada. This includes the history of Indigenous and Black movements in Canada, systemic racism in education and justice, and the role of disaggregated, race-based data.

    Racism—and all its insidious complexities—is rooted firmly into the society and structures in which we operate. As a society, we must eliminate systemic racism in all of its forms, whether it be explicit (e.g. the Indian Act, violations of the Alberta Human Rights Act, etc.), or implicit (e.g. the centering of “white” voices, colour-blindness, and exclusion of BIPOC individuals in decision making at organizational and governmental levels within community, work, and social services). The non-profit sector has long championed the rights of marginalized or disenfranchised populations. There are numerous excellent organizations and individuals doing important work to eradicate racism, but, despite this, racism persists.

    Long have we known that racism contributes directly to economic harm here in Canada. Recent data has shown that racialized individuals are more than twice as likely to be in poverty compared to their non-racialized counterparts, and almost one in five Black Edmontonians are low-income, compared to less than one in ten non-Visible Minority.1 Racialized workers are also more likely to be unemployed (9.2% vs 7.3% as of 2016). This is despite the fact that racialized workers are more active in the labour force, either working or trying to find work. Since 2006, this trend has only gotten worse.

    Another way of highlighting the impacts of racism and employment is to break down the effects of income disparity between different racialized groups. Black and Indigenous communities are still the more likely to be in poverty compared to their non-Black or Indigenous counterparts.2 People are treated differently based on their skin colour, including tenants who are rejected by their landlords, applicants who are turned away from prospective employers, and those looking for acceptance in community programs.3-5 These glaring disparities result in unacceptable gaps in health outcomes, educational attainment, and mental health challenges among racialized groups. We must work diligently to close these gaps so that our communities thrive in an equitable and just manner.

    It is a myth that racism never existed in Canada or has been eradicated. Racial prejudices are reinforced by systems of power that actively harm Black and Indigenous individuals, families, and communities. It is not enough to focus on equity, diversity, or inclusion. Rather, we must become active participants in an ongoing and active process of fighting against individual, institutional, and systemic racism. It is about identifying, challenging, and dismantling structures that promote racism, and supporting ones that promote racial equity. This suite of activities is sometimes called anti-racism, and represents a transformative approach to combatting racism. On an individual level, being anti-racist means being “willing to admit the times in which [we] are being racist, [and] willing to recognize the inequities and the racial problems of our society, [and] willing to challenge those racial inequities by challenging policy.”6

    We therefore invite all readers to join us in vulnerability as we become better allies, together. If you want to join the conversation, send us an email (info@edmontonsocialplanning.ca), follow us on Facebook or Twitter, or sign up for our newsletter.

    Sources:

    1. Ngo, S. and Kolkman, J. (2019). A Profile of Poverty in Edmonton. Updated May 2019. Edmonton Social Planning Council. https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/a-profile-of-poverty-in-edmonton-may-2019-update-2/
    2. Block, S., Galabuzi, G., and Tranjan, R.  (2019). Canada’s Colour Coded Income Inequality. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. https://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/reports/canadas-colour-coded-income-inequality
    3. Edmonton Community Foundation and Edmonton Social Planning Council. (2015). Vital Signs: Edmonton’s Urban Aboriginal Population. https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/vital-signs-edmonton-2015-2/
    4. Edmonton Community Foundation and Edmonton Social Planning Council. (2016). Vital Signs: Immigrants. https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/vitalsigns-2016/
    5. Edmonton Community Foundation and Edmonton Social Planning Council. (2019). Vital Topic: Indigenous Women in Alberta. https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/vital-topic-indigenous-women-in-alberta/
    6. Kendi, I. X. (2020). The difference between being “not racist” and antiracist. https://www.ted.com/talks/ibram_x_kendi_the_difference_between_being_not_racist_and_antiracist/transcript

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  • Blog: The Need for Culturally-Informed Approaches to Food Security

    Blog: The Need for Culturally-Informed Approaches to Food Security

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    Written by: Tom Ndekezi, Summer Student Research Assistant

    Traditional approaches to food security often emphasize food availability, access to nutritious foods, the ability for individuals and households to utilize and prepare healthy foods, and the overall stability of those factors. While that approach may help vulnerable populations gain access to healthy foods, the absence of cultural perspectives and an explicit commitment to the need for culturally appropriate foods may ultimately rob individuals of their right to dietary self-determination.

    A complete understanding of food security must take cultural factors into account, particularly in a country like Canada whose Indigenous, immigrant, and racialized populations are disproportionately affected by food insecurity. In their 2017 literature review “Immigration and Food Insecurity: The Canadian Experience,” University of Ottawa researchers Diana Tarraf and Isabelle Giroux, as well as the Food and Agriculture Organization’s Dia Sanou, detail some common themes that highlight the need to incorporate cultural perspectives into traditional understandings of food security, especially with regard to new and recent immigrants to Canada.

    Upon first arriving in Canada, many immigrants go through a dramatic accommodation phase during which they abandon their traditional diets and completely adopt a typical Canadian diet. This phase can last anywhere from a few days to several months as newcomers gradually become acquainted with their surroundings, identify grocery stores, get in contact with compatriots, and slowly begin to integrate traditional foods back into their diet.

    This adaptation phase is often followed by what Tarraf et al. (2017) call a transition phase, in which newcomers can now structure a dietary framework for themselves and their households. For many this means creating a hybrid diet that includes traditional foods and elements of a typical Canadian diet side-by-side — think BLTs for lunch and fufu and peanut soup for dinner. For others the choice is instead an enculturated diet made up almost entirely of traditional foods. Conversely, there are those who adopt an acculturated Canadian-style diet, at the expense of traditional foods.

    A traditional understanding of food security may look at the phenomenon described above and not see much of a problem with it. As long as individuals have healthy food on their plate, what is the issue with them choosing one diet over another?

    Firstly, many newcomers’ traditional diets are generally healthier than the highly-processed, high-fat, and high-sugar typical Canadian diet. Recent immigrants also tend to be in better overall health than their Canadian counterparts — what is known as the Healthy Immigrant Effect — although over time their health generally declines toward the national average, and in some cases even drops below it. That downwards sloping trajectory can be partially explained by an assimilation to a typical Canadian diet, a process that is perpetuated by insufficient newcomer supports and facilitated by culturally-deficient understandings of food security.

    There is also the temptation to treat the choice to adopt a specific diet as strictly that, a choice. A culturally-deficient approach to food security does not consider the wider, global understanding of what healthy foods are, and whether or not individuals have access to those foods. Although the first step towards food security may be having the choice to not eat unhealthy or low-quality foods, the realization of food security is in the agency that accompanies food sovereignty, i.e. “the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems” (Food Secure Canada).

    A review of the current literature regarding food security will find, as Tarraf et al. (2017) found, that much of the discourse surrounding food security is stuck at a primary level of engagement. Much of the conversation is still satisfied with communities having access to affordable grocery stores that supply healthy and nutritious foods, but there is little to no interrogation as to what exactly those foods are and how they serve the demographics of the surrounding community. The coexistence of the Healthy Immigrant Effect and lower health outcomes among immigrant communities is a glaring incongruence, and one that can begin to be remedied by education on traditional foods and the incorporation of cultural perspectives into our understandings of food security.

    Much like a good meal, an effective approach to achieving food security must be created with an intense awareness of exactly who is being served. And like a great meal, a formidable approach to achieving food security and food sovereignty must be created hand-in-hand with the communities it serves, leaning on their input, expertise, and cultural perspectives each step of the way.

     

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  • Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

    Blog: COVID’s socio-economic impacts on Indigenous populations

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    By now Canada is well aware that the pandemic has hit vulnerable communities hardest. Within Canada, we know that this includes, among others, women, people with disabilities, and Indigenous communities.

    Statistics Canada has published a short overview, Indigenous people in urban areas: vulnerabilities to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19, to provide information on the vulnerabilities that some Indigenous peoples face due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

    The report focuses on indicators that show Indigenous communities are highly vulnerable to financial impacts. However, the data is from the 2016 Census and the 2017 Aboriginal People’s Survey. Current, relevant, and accurate Indigenous data is incredibly difficult to come by. So while this is some of the information that we do know, it’s important to remember that these numbers represent households in urban areas off reserve, offering a limited sub-set of Indigenous data and therefore not representative of all Indigenous peoples and populations.

    The results from these two surveys indicate that 24% of Indigenous people living in urban centres are in poverty (compared to 13% for those who are not Indigenous). Within these urban areas, 30% of Indigenous youth (18 years or younger) live in poverty; the number increases to 37% for foster children, 43% for kids living with only grandparents, and 51% for kids living with single-parents. These are staggering numbers when compounded with economic hardships faced by adults during a pandemic. Furthermore, Indigenous adults are at higher risk of living in a food insecure household (38%), an issue that affects women (41%) more than men (34%).

    Many Indigenous people work in low-wage jobs, and have been affected by work stoppage and lost income since the pandemic. Challenges to meet rent, pay transportation costs, and purchase groceries are among top concerns and priorities. For those who do not have access to the internet or a computer at home, they can face further work interruptions, and may also have children who are struggling to keep up with at-home learning. Clearly there are systemic disadvantages that Indigenous peoples face to not only survive, but to succeed during challenging times like this.

    Stay tuned for our exploration of data as it relates to racialized populations in Canada, coming soon.  

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  • Blog: Parkland Institute report on migrant workers living without status

    Blog: Parkland Institute report on migrant workers living without status

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    The beginning of the 21st century saw a surge in migrant workers coming to Canada to take on various jobs under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). At its peak, there were as many as 400,000 Temporary Foreign Workers (TFW) in Canada, with about 77,000 of them residing in Alberta. Alberta had the most TFWs in the nation per capita. Within the last five years, due to economic downturns and changes in federal policy, the TFWP has been severely curtailed with many migrant workers losing their status, with just 32,000 migrant workers holding a work permit by 2018. While a number of people returned to their country of origin, a smaller contingent decided to stay.

    The Parkland Institute’s recent report, In the Shadows: Living and Working Without Status in Alberta, seeks to understand the situation for those who have remained in Alberta who have lost their status and offer ideas for how their lives can be made better, both in the short-term and the long-term. It is estimated that there are between 10,000 to 20,000 migrant workers from the TFWP living in Alberta who have lost their status.

    Prior to changes in policy, TFWs in Alberta were most commonly working jobs in construction, retail clerks, light housekeeping, cooks, and food servers. The most common countries or regions of origin included those from the Philippines, India, Central America, and Eastern Europe.

    For the report, authors Marco Luciano (of Migrante Alberta) and Jason Foster (professor at Athabasca University) interviewed 32 undocumented migrant workers, 17 women and 15 men. Of the 32 participants, 29 came from the Philippines while the remaining three came from Mexico, Chile, and Ukraine. The majority of occupations the participants worked in were retail or fast-food employment as well as construction or landscaping labourers.

    Participants spoke in great detail about their experience, highlighting a number of issues they faced when working with status. These ranged from receiving less pay and fewer hours than promised, unsafe working conditions, and abusive working environments. If they wished to leave their employer to take on a different job, the onerous process of changing their permit made it a difficult process.

    Many lost their status in 2015 when their employer failed to apply to renew their work permits or their renewal was denied due changes in federal policy that made the TFWP more restrictive as a result of worsening economic conditions. In other instances, worsening health conditions were another reason for not renewing their work permit.

    While it’s believed most migrant workers in the TFWP returned to their country of origin, a small contingent chose to stay. The reasons for staying including a lack of opportunity back home, the need to support their family abroad, and building a life for their Canadian-born children.

    While they no longer have a valid work permit, many of them do remain in Canada legally, although with a different visa (e.g. visitor or student). While formalized employment relationships are largely out of reach, many find work in the informal sector doing tasks for cash for friends, neighbours, and family members. These jobs include house cleaning, babysitting, cooking, and casual labour jobs. Due to the informal nature of the work, hours and pay are inconsistent and the jobs are temporary or fleeting. These working arrangements compound their marginalized status as they try to survive. Issues arising from this working relationship include not being paid in a timely manner or being forced to accept unfairly lower wages. Outside of the workplace, access to health care and education become a barrier to access, as they become ineligible for government-funded programs and services. While hospitals are obligated to treat any patient regardless of status, migrant workers without status will get billed for treatment, racking up large expenses. Other services, such as libraries, income support programs, child and family benefits, banking, and obtaining a driver’s license, become out of reach or precarious as a result of their work permits expiring. All of this results in negative impacts on their physical, financial, and mental well-being.

    Despite all of these hardships they have endured, the participants demonstrated a resilience in their hopes for the future, and still possess a faith that things will work out in the future.

    The report concludes with 27 recommendations that federal, provincial, and municipal governments can pursue to make the lives of these migrant workers better. These recommendations are divided between immediate actions that can be taken as well as systemic and long-term changes that can be implemented. These recommendations include amending rules to ensure migrant workers can receive income support benefits, overhauling Canada’s migrant worker programs to eliminate exploitation and abuse, issuing open work permits with mobility rights in the labour market, ensuring all medical services are provided free of charge regardless of status, municipalities declaring themselves as a “Sanctuary City” among various other recommendations.

    The Parkland Institute’s report sheds some much-needed light on the circumstances these workers face and the need for a comprehensive reform of these immigration policies so that humane practices are prioritized is certainly urgent. The fact that so many of these migrant workers cannot earn a living wage (which the Edmonton Social Planning Council calculates it to be at $16.51 per hour in Edmonton as of 2019) only compounds the great difficulty these workers have in eking out an existence where they can survive, let alone thrive.

    While the Temporary Foreign Worker issue has receded from our attention in recent years, this report makes a strong case for renewed attention and action.

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