Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: **Resources: ESPC Documents:

  • Research Update: Achieving Pharmacare For All

    Research Update: Achieving Pharmacare For All

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    Note: this is excerpted from the December 2020 edition of our “Research Update” publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews, prepared by our volunteers, on recently published social research reports and publications.

    Reviewed by Hanna Nash

    Canada’s universal health care is a keystone marker of what many Canadians would identify as, in part, what makes us proud to be Canadian; a nation of those who aid and support one another in all health matters, regardless of outcome. Though our country has continued to expand services under universal health care since 1966, one area remains unincorporated. In the Advisory Council on the Implementation of National Pharmacare’s report, A Prescription for Canada – Achieving Pharmacare for All, the authors discuss how nationally implemented pharmaceutical access would benefit all Canadians and our country’s health care expenditures.

    Formed in 2018, this federally appointed advisory council made significant findings and key recommendations to the federal government after studying global pharmaceutical policies and interviewing diverse groups of Canadians in all provinces and territories such as: politicians, Indigenous leaders, patients, health care providers, business owners, and academics. What is perhaps most striking among their findings is an imminent need for universal pharmaceutical accessibility in Canada—its financial impact would not only benefit individuals, but would save Canadian taxpayers significant amounts of money each year, within its first year of operation even (p. 47).

    A transition phase beginning January 1, 2022 would allow the development of a Canadian drug agency to work with federal, provincial, and territorial governments to create a list of drugs that would be covered, and would continue to add recommended drugs and pharmaceuticals for a fully operational agency by January 1, 2027 (p. 78). When purchasing prescriptions drugs, Canadians would not be expected to spend more than $100.00 annually per household.

    Approximately 20% of Canadians either simply cannot afford medication or do not have adequate insurance to cover their required medication (p. 113). This means that many Canadians do not take their essential prescriptions, which can cause further health complications later on, or, as in the case of one million Canadians, they must borrow money to afford the cost of their medications. What is further distressing is that Canadians who are already at a financial disadvantage are also the most impacted, and are more likely to experience ill health due to inaccessibility to medication. The elitism of pharmaceutical accessibility in Canada is felt most disproportionately by women, young people, and low-income wage earners. The end result of this disjointed and unequal approach to pharmaceuticals is that too many Canadians fall into poor health and cost Canada’s health care system billions of dollars in visits to ERs, hospitals, and physicians each year while missing work and/or school—thereby further preventing them from improving finances and health (p. 169).

    The difficulty in managing Canada’s pharmaceutical costs is due to its collage of public (100) and private (100,000) drug plans that do not present significant clout when negotiating the cost of medications, as they are not unified. Among countries that offer universal health care, Canada is the only nation that does not have pharmaceuticals included under its health care plan. Additionally, the advisory council discovered that Canada pays some of the highest drug prices in the world compared to other OECD nations. The only countries that pay more for pharmaceuticals are the United States and Switzerland (p. 29).

    These findings pose too great a risk for Canada’s health care to continue without putting individuals and the government into further debt. The solution to saving federal money and aiding individuals is for each province and territory to place pharmaceuticals under universal health care. This would ensure that, as a single-payer nation, Canada would have greater bargaining power against pharmaceutical companies and would, in turn, be able to negotiate better prices for all prescription drugs—including new and ground breaking treatments and formulas.

    The authors tested their universal health care approach by calculating the costs of covering medications for those with diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and chronic respiratory conditions. By covering individual expenses for those particular health conditions, Canadians could conceivably save up to $1.2 billon each year (p. 47).

    With these findings in mind, the authors advocate for a drug agency to push forward and come to fruition. However, one factor that must be considered is the co-operation of all provinces and territories in achieving this final stage of universal health care. If these recommendations can be fully embraced by provincial and territorial governments, the federal government could potentially see huge savings in medical costs, and a healthier, more productive, society.

    Publication Source:

    Government of Canada. (2019). A prescription for Canada: Achieving pharmacare for all. Health Canada. https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/corporate/about-health-canada/public-engagement/external-advisory-bodies/implementation-national-pharmacare/final-report.html

    ABOUT THE RESEARCH REVIEWER:

    Hanna Nash enjoys ballet performances and other live theatre, as well as outdoor sports, and travelling to new countries. Hanna is interested in sharing information and knowledge to Edmonton’s diverse communities.

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  • Spotlight: Lessons on Child Poverty during a Pandemic

    Spotlight: Lessons on Child Poverty during a Pandemic

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    The Alberta Child Poverty Report is a yearly publication that highlights the plight of children and youth living without the resources to thrive and grow into healthy adults. Every year, the Child Poverty Report advocates for better social services and governmental assistance to give all children the opportunities they deserve.

    This year’s report is titled Spotlight: Lessons on Child Poverty during a Pandemic. The report casts a light on how the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting children and how it is exacerbating problems that were present long before the pandemic started in March 2020.

    The Alberta Child Poverty Report is a collaboration between the Edmonton Social Planning Council, the Alberta College of Social Workers (ACSW), and Public interest Alberta (PIA). It is part of the Campaign 2000 coalition, a national movement that sought to end child poverty by the year 2000. Obviously, Canada failed to meet this objective and much work remains before poverty for children and youth is eradicated.

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  • Research Update: December 2020

    Research Update: December 2020

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    The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews on recently published social research reports and publications.

    In this issue, we have the following reviews:

    * Working-Age Singles: The “Forgotten Poor” of Canada — Reviewed by Kara Abdolmaleki
    * Indigenous Homelessness in Canada — Reviewed by Shawna Ladouceur
    * Youth Homelessness in B.C. — Reviewed by Mohamed Mohamed
    * Achieving Pharmacare for All — Reviewed by Hanna Nash
    * Housing First as a Form of Intervention — Reviewed by Reem Saraya
    * Revisioning Coordinated Access — Reviewed by Asheika Sood
    * Basic Income as a COVID-19 Response in B.C. — Reviewed by Elaine Tran
    * Decriminalizing Race — Reviewed by Aastha Tripathi
    * Colouring Outside the Lines — Reviewed by Jayme Wong

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  • fACT Sheet — Basic Income: Can it Happen Here?

    fACT Sheet — Basic Income: Can it Happen Here?

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    Introduction

    The COVID-19 pandemic and the ensuing economic downturn took hold in Canada starting in March 2020, exacerbated inefficiencies in Canada’s social safety net. The federal government, to its credit, worked quickly to deliver emergency relief to millions of Canadians who found themselves suddenly jobless or furloughed. Nevertheless, this moment inspired renewed conversations on the need for a basic income as a measure to insure financial security and stability for Canadians so that sudden shocks to the economy (such as global oil price stability) can be better weathered.

    This fACT Sheet will provide an overview of basic income—highlighting examples of where it has been tried, outlining its potential benefits, and identifying areas of concern that should be taken into account when designing a program of this nature.

    What is a Basic Income?

    At its core, basic income refers to a government program that provides a certain sum of money to a country’s (or a certain geographic region’s) citizens with no strings attached. The funds are intended to provide a guaranteed income so that people are able to afford the basic needs to help them thrive (e.g. food, clothing, shelter, medicine, transportation, and community participation).

    A number of terms have been used to describe the concept, which include universal basic income, guaranteed annual income, guaranteed livable income, minimum income, and negative income tax, among others. While they all describe more or less the same concept, there are variations in how a basic income could be rolled out, depending on how the program is designed.

    In one scenario, a basic income could reach every citizen regardless of income, who would be given an equal amount of money—rich, poor, or in between (tax claw backs may apply). Other variations of the program would give those with the lowest incomes the maximum amount of money which would be gradually reduced as a person’s income level rises. Alternately, a basic income could be targeted exclusively to those living below the poverty line. Frequency of payments are typically calculated monthly or annually, depending on the program’s design.

    Where in the World Has it Been Tried?

    Basic income has been tried as a pilot program for a limited duration in various countries around the world. These experimental trials have attempted to gather data on the impact of a basic income to help inform how it could be implemented on a wider scale—assuming the results are in line with the program’s intended policy goal. Most have been conducted by governments, while a few have been administered by non-profits or private enterprises.

    Notable examples of trial locations—be it historically, currently, or with aspirations to implement it in the near future—include the following:

    Canada

    The biggest basic income experiment conducted in Canada was in Dauphin, Manitoba called “Mincome.” It ran from 1974 to 1979 with the aim to address rural poverty. About one-third of the town’s residents received a guaranteed annual income equivalent to $16,000 (figure adjusted for inflation). The experiment was abandoned when the federal and provincial government felt supporting the trial was no longer viable.

    In 2017, Ontario revived the idea and ran a basic income pilot project in three cities: Hamilton, Lindsay, and Thunder Bay. It was meant to help 4,000 people in low-income and continue for three years. However, a change in government resulted in the cancellation of the project after only one year due to concerns that it would disincentive participants from working.

    Proposals for a possible basic income program are currently being explored in Newfoundland & Labrador, Nunavut, and Prince Edward Island.

    United States

    There has been steady interest and experiments in basic income trials conducted across the U.S.—past and present.

    Notably, there are two locations with a permanent basic income program. Since 1982, Alaska has provided an annual dividend to each citizen under the Alaska Permanent Fund, which is financed by oil revenues. The amount given fluctuates depending on the price of oil, but is usually between $1,000 to $2,000 USD. In North Carolina, members of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians receive a portion of the revenue from their Casino Dividend with an average of $4,000 to $6,000 USD per person each year since 1997.

    Historically, there were experiments with negative income tax programs (which provides a cash grant to those below a certain income level) to about 7,500 people across New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Iowa, North Carolina, Seattle, Denver, and Gary, Indiana between 1968 and 1974.

    Currently, Stockton, California is nearing the end of an 18-month trial (finishing in January 2021), which has given $500 USD per month to 125 people. This model is being replicated through a coalition group, Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, comprising leaders from 25 cities that are advocating for a basic income and building support to implement pilot programs of their own.

    Variations of the basic income concept are also being implemented for specific segments of the population, including a basic income program for artists out of work during COVID-19 in San Francisco and Long Beach, California as well as youth aging out of the foster care system in Santa Clara County, California.

    Brazil

    In 2020, 52,000 people in the city of Maricá have received 130 reais ($31 CAD) per month under the Renda Basica de Cidadania (Citizens’ Basic Income) program, which is expected to lift many above the poverty line. There is no end date.

    Finland

    In 2017, the Finnish government began a basic income trial directed at 2,000 unemployed citizens, chosen at random, which provided them with 560 euros ($865 CAD) per month for two years. They were assured continued income support even if they got a job.

    Germany

    In August 2020, Germany started a new basic income experiment with funding collected by the non-profit Mein Grundeinkommen from private donors. The experiment will give 120 people 1,200 euros ($1,855 CAD) per month for three years. Participants will fill out questionnaires to indicate how the benefit has affected their emotional well-being, home life, and work life. These responses will be compared to a control group who will not be receiving income support.

    Spain

    In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Spanish government launched a basic income program in June 2020 offering payments of up to 1,015 euros ($1570 CAD) to the poorest families in the country, about 850,000 households. The aim is to continue the initiative indefinitely.

    What are the Benefits of a Basic Income?

    The challenge with measuring the impacts of a basic income is having enough data to quantify impact on the standard of living and quality of life for participants. Since the vast majority of basic income programs have been pilot projects targeted towards a limited sample size for a short period of time, it is difficult to know what the long-term impacts would be.

    Nevertheless, some of the findings from these programs suggest a strong potential for a basic income program to be an integral part of a robust social safety net. Participants have reported improvements in mental and physical health, food security, educational outcomes, employment prospects, housing security, fewer addictions, and an overall increased level of happiness and less stress. Basic income has also given individuals and families the ability to volunteer and get more involved in their community or provide care to a family member. These pilot projects have shown the potential to enable more entrepreneurship, with recipients more comfortable taking risks and start a business or take on other projects.

    Considerations for Implementing a Program

    In addition to being a malignant and persistent problem in our society, poverty is also quite costly. In Alberta alone, poverty costs between $7.1 to $9.5 billion per year for issues tied to health, justice, and social services.

    Investing in programs that benefit the lives individuals and families in low-income can ease the burden on these services. For instance, investing $1 in the first few years can save up to $9 in later costs to the health and criminal justice systems. This kind of return supports the case for a basic income program in Canada—though costly to implement in the beginning, governments would see long-term savings.

    According to the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy, a basic income program in Alberta would cost around $5.3 billion to implement, while a combined federal-provincial program would cost approximately $6.1 billion.

    Final Reflections

    In principle, a basic income program has a lot of potential as a tool for poverty reduction and to build a stronger and more inclusive economy. However, the design of the program and its integration with existing government programs (whether it would replace any existing social programs?) is a pivotal and ongoing conversation. Any implementation and revision to policy must consider the best available evidence from pilot projects – past, present, and future – as they become more established worldwide.

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    • Tracking the Trends 2020

      Tracking the Trends 2020

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      Tracking the Trends provides a comprehensive overview of Edmonton’s social well-being.

      The Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) is pleased to present this 15th edition of Tracking the Trends. Thirty one years after the release of the first edition in 1989, we remain committed to regularly updating this valuable compendium of social and economic data critical to sound decision-making. We hope decision-makers, social policy planners, researchers, and the general public will find this publication useful in broadening their understanding of social trends in the Edmonton region.

      The publication of this edition was postponed by several months due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused disruptions to work as ESPC adapted to working from home, as well as delays in data releases. Unfortunately, data on COVID-19 could not be captured in this report, but the effects of the pandemic on Edmontonians will be seen in future Tracking the Trends.

      Download the full Tracking the Trends report here (PDF)

      Note: since the release of this report, we identified the following errata. The PDF version has now been updated as of January 15, 2021.

      Table C4: Total Apartment Vacancy Rate, October Average, Edmonton CMA, added in missing value for the year 2006

      Table D11: Employed Persons Earning Low Wages by Gender, July 2017 to June 2018, Edmonton CMA. The “total” for wage “$13.60” was incorrectly listed as 54800, this was corrected to 54.8

      Table F4: Maximum monthly AISH benefit payments, added in missing values for the years 2000-2002 and 2004

      Figure F4 was updated as well to reflect the added in values

      Table F5: Number of individuals receiving Employment Insurance, added in missing the value for the year 2008

      Table G8: Lone-Parent to Couple Family Proportion, Edmonton CMA, added in the missing value for the year 2009

      Table G9: Property and Violent Crime Rates, Crime Severity Index, Edmonton City. An older version of the table was inserted by accident, it was replaced with an up-to date version.

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    • fACTivist Feature Article: School Resource Officers and the School-to-Prison Pipeline

      fACTivist Feature Article: School Resource Officers and the School-to-Prison Pipeline

      [et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ custom_margin=”0px||0px||false|false” custom_padding=”0px||0px||false|false”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ use_custom_gutter=”on” gutter_width=”1″ _builder_version=”4.7.3″ _module_preset=”default” width=”100%” custom_margin=”0px||||false|false” custom_padding=”3px||5px|||” border_width_bottom=”1px” border_color_bottom=”#a6c942″][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ _module_preset=”default”][et_pb_post_title meta=”off” featured_image=”off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _module_preset=”default” title_font=”||||||||” custom_margin=”||3px|||” border_color_bottom=”#a6c942″][/et_pb_post_title][/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ _module_preset=”default”][et_pb_image src=”https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/COLOUR-BLOCKS_spaced-300×51.png” title_text=”COLOUR BLOCKS_spaced” align=”center” _builder_version=”4.7.7″ _module_preset=”default” max_width=”100%” module_alignment=”center” max_height=”50px” custom_margin=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”10px|0px|10px|0px|false|false”][/et_pb_image][/et_pb_column][/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ use_custom_gutter=”on” gutter_width=”1″ make_equal=”on” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ background_size=”initial” background_position=”top_left” background_repeat=”repeat” width=”100%” custom_margin=”0px|auto|0px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”37px|0px|44px|0px|false|false”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.5.6″ custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”content” _module_preset=”default” text_font=”||||||||” text_text_color=”#000000″ custom_padding=”||32px|||”]@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9kYXRlIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnsiYmVmb3JlIjoiIiwiYWZ0ZXIiOiIiLCJkYXRlX2Zvcm1hdCI6ImRlZmF1bHQiLCJjdXN0b21fZGF0ZV9mb3JtYXQiOiIifX0=@[/et_pb_text][et_pb_button button_url=”https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/FACTIVIST-FALL-2020-V4.pdf” button_text=”Download the Fall 2020 fACTivist (click here)” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _module_preset=”default” custom_button=”on” button_text_color=”#ffffff” button_bg_color=”#008ac1″ custom_margin=”||19px|||” custom_padding=”||5px|||”][/et_pb_button][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.7.4″ text_line_height=”1.6em” header_2_font=”|600|||||||” header_2_text_color=”#008ac1″ header_2_font_size=”24px” background_size=”initial” background_position=”top_left” background_repeat=”repeat” width=”95%” module_alignment=”left” custom_margin=”-1px|0px|2px|-96px|false|false” locked=”off”]

      Note: this is excerpted from the Fall 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community.

      Written by Sydney Sheloff

      The school-to-prison pipeline is a set of policies and practices that push youth marginalized by class and race oppressions away from education and towards the criminal justice system (Mallet, 2015). This is a complicated system with many interrelated elements, including harsh disciplinary techniques, student streaming, alongside racism and discrimination. However, given the current debate on removing School Resource Officers (SRO) from Edmonton schools, the focus will be on how disciplinary techniques, especially those that involve SROs, contribute to this system.

      SROs are police officers who work within K–12 schools. They are tasked with the responsibility to ensure school safety, collaborate with community organizations to support youth, educate youth about issues related to crime, and divert youth from the criminal justice system (Edmonton Police Service, 2019). However, the way that they actually operate in schools has been called into question. The debate to remove SROs is part of the growing conversation around Black Lives Matter and police brutality. Many argue that SROs extend police involvement, discrimination, and brutality into the lives of BIPOC youth and children, which brings them into—and keeps them entrenched in—the criminal justice system.

      The Edmonton Police Service (EPS) claims that SROs divert youth away from the criminal justice system (2019), but SROs are themselves a part of the criminal justice system. Youth may not be going to court, but they are regularly watched, judged, and disciplined by police officers. SROs are arguably introducing more criminal justice involvement into the lives of students, as misbehaviours that would have previously been addressed by school authorities, such as principles or teachers, are now being addressed by police, and can possibly result in a criminal charge (Bernard & Smith, 2018). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) shared several stories from teachers who were encouraged to bring in SROs to deal with minor behavioural issues. These situations increase the odds for certain students to interact with police and can establish conditions for youth to enter the criminal justice system.

      Abela and DonLevy (2020) explain that SROs are often not given specialized training to work in schools or with youth—they rely on basic police training. Illustrating this point, some students in Edmonton have claimed that officers at their schools view students as potential threats and criminals rather than as young students (CBC News, 2020). Local activist Bashir Mohammed found evidence that Edmonton SROs were setting up “bait phones” with tracking devices in an attempt to entrap potential thieves. Students were supposed to learn about these phones through gossip to understand that officers were always on the lookout for crime (2020). The Toronto District School Board’s review of their School Resource Officer Program found that many students felt that they were being watched or targeted by SROs, which made them feel intimidated and uncomfortable going to school (2017). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) also collected several testimonials from students who stated that SROs harassed them and made them feel scared or uneasy. Thus, youth do not feel protected by police—they feel like suspects being watched.

      Although SRO student arrests directly contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline, they are not the only issue. When students feel targeted, unsafe, scared, or harassed, they are less likely to attend school. Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) shared stories of students who had skipped class because they felt too anxious around SROs, which made it harder for them to succeed. School completion influences future career opportunities and earning potential, so students who miss school are likely to face barriers in attaining gainful employment. This could keep these students in poverty—yet another factor that can lead to involvement with the criminal justice system.

      In much the same way that BIPOC are disproportionally targeted by the police in public, BIPOC students are targeted by SROs in schools. Stereotypes that claim Black and Indigenous people are violent or dangerous may be just one way that SROs are led to perceive these students in negative ways. Students in Edmonton have claimed that SROs target Black, Brown, and Indigenous students (CBC News, 2020). Police-Free Schools Winnipeg (2020) also shared stories of students who believed BIPOC students were targeted by SROs. Unfortunately, there is no data on SRO interactions disaggregated by race, so there is no evidence that SROs are in fact disciplining BIPOC students at a higher rate. However, a study done on anti-Black racism within the Peel District School Board found that Black students were suspended at a disproportionate rate—Black students made up 10.2% of the school population but 22.5% of those suspended (2020).

      SROs are also tasked with offering counselling and support to students (Edmonton Police Service, 2019), but these services would be much better performed by other professionals (Mallet, 2015). Youth who have trouble in school are not going to certified counsellors or mental health professionals to deal with their problems, they are going to police who have little to no training in this specific field (Abela & DonLevy, 2020). Furthermore, as illustrated above, many students, especially BIPOC and impoverished students, feel targeted by SROs and do not trust or feel safe around them, so it is unlikely that they would go to them for support.

      Crime is often the result of interactions between systemic and personal issues such as mental health, racism, poverty, and victimization. Youth who experience these problems need support to overcome barriers and access opportunities for a better life. However, the SRO program, by hiring police officers instead of certified counsellors, does not give youth the support they need. Rather, SROs monitor, discipline, and may even criminally charge vulnerable and marginalized youth. Marginalized youth are not given support to succeed in school, but are instead pushed toward the criminal justice system.

      There are studies on Canadian SRO programs that found the programs to be positive and useful, but these findings should be questioned. A study on the SRO program in the Peel District of Ontario found SROs were effective at preventing crime, improving student perceptions of police, and making students feel safer (Duxbury & Bennell, 2018). However, this study paid no attention to how different groups of students experienced SROs in different ways. A study on the Peel District School Board two years later found wide-spread anti-Black racism within the school district by teachers and administrators, and shared some evidence of SROs discriminating against Black students (Chadha, Herbert, & Richard, 2020), calling into question the results of the first study.

      A separate study of the SRO program in the Winnipeg schools district also found students had positive perceptions of SROs, and that SROs were useful in a school setting (Kaplan Research Associates, 2014). However, according to Police Free Schools Winnipeg (2020), “policing discriminates against a minority of students on the basis of race and class. The positive opinion of a majority, who themselves have little or no interaction with the police, is irrelevant to assessing the harm caused by police presence.” Both the Peel District and Winnipeg studies asked students who had little interaction with police what their perceptions were, which resulted in positive results. But these results are irrelevant to the issues. Marginalized students are the ones who are the most affected by SROs—the ones who claim the greatest harm by SROs—and yet they were not consulted.

      Those in power, such as governments, school board officials, and the EPS, have depicted the SRO program as a benefit to schools and students. However, since its inception in 1979, the program has never been formally reviewed (CBC, 2020). Going forward it is important that we look past these idealistic portrayals, engage in rigorous research, and listen to the perspectives of those who are actually impacted by these programs.

       

      Sources

      Abela, G. & Donlevy, J. K. (2020). Violence in Alberta’s schools: The perspectives of school resource officers. Education and Law Journal 29(2), 1-26.

      Bernard, W. T. & Smith, H. (2018). Injustice, justice, and africentric practice in Canada. Canadian Social Work Review 35(1), 149-157. DOI: 10.7202/1051108ar

      CBC News (2020, June 24). Motion to remove police resource officers from schools narrowly defeated. CBC. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/edmonton-public-school-resource-officers-suspension-review-1.5624966

      Chadha, E., Herbert, S., & Richard, S. (2020). Review of the Peel District School Board. http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/new/review-peel-district-school-board-report-en.pdf

      Duxbury, L., & Bennell, C. (2018). Review and Summary: Assigning Value to Peel Regional Police’s school Resource Officer Program. Carleton University. https://www.peelpoliceboard.ca/en/board-meetings/resources/Presentations/Dr.-Duxbury-Presentation—Assigning-Value-To-Peel-Regional-Polices-School-Resource-Officer-Program.pdf

      Edmonton Police Service (2019). School Resource Officers. https://www.edmontonpolice.ca/CommunityPolicing/FamilyProtection/SchoolResourceOfficers

      Kaplan Research Associates (2014). An evaluation of the school resource officer program of the Winnipeg school division: 2012-2014. Kaplan Research Associates Inc.

      Mallet, C. (2015). The school-to-prison pipeline: A critical review of the punitive paradigm shift. Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal 33(1), 15-24. DOI: 10.1007/s10560-015-0397-1

      Mohamed, B. (2020, June 2). Edmonton Anti-Racism Toolkit.  https://www.bashirmohamed.com/blog/2020/6/2/edmontontoolkit

      Police-Free School Winnipeg (2020). Stories. Police Free Schools Winnipeg. https://policefreeschoolswpg.ca/stories/

      Sydney Sheloff is the Research Officer for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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