Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Levels of Government: Canada

  • fACT Sheet: Get Out & Vote! Election Information for Edmonton Voters

    fACT Sheet: Get Out & Vote! Election Information for Edmonton Voters

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    Introduction

    The right to vote in elections is considered one of the most important components of a democracy. Today, any Canadian citizen 18 years of age or older is eligible to cast their ballot in a municipal, provincial, and federal election. Unfortunately, this hasn’t always been the case. Voting was originally permitted only for men affluent enough to own land or pay taxes. Those who did not meet this criteria—based on lack of property ownership or because of their gender, race, or religion—were excluded. White women were granted the right to vote by 1918 and in 1920 property qualifications were abolished. Between the end of the Second World War and up to the early 1960s, disqualification on racial and religious grounds were eliminated, culminating when all First Nations peoples were granted the unconditional right to vote in 1960 without losing their status. By 1970, the voting age was lowered from 21 years of age to 18.

    The evolution of voting rights and the ways in which people have historically been included—or excluded—is an important reminder that voting is not something to be taken for granted. In 2021, Edmontonians have the chance to vote in both a municipal and federal election (October 18 and September 20, respectively). With the chance to vote for a mayor, city councillor, school board trustee, and member of Parliament, we as citizens have a big responsibility to demonstrate which direction we want our city and our country to go.

    What Are Organizations Doing to Engage Voters and Increase Voter Turnout?

    A number of groups and initiatives do outreach work to engage voters, especially those who may not turn out in large numbers to the voting booth. Some notable initiatives with a focus on the federal election include the following:

    Apathy is Boring is a national charitable organization that educates and supports youth to become active and contributing citizens to Canada’s democracy. In addition to mobilizing voter turnout, the group works toward empowering youth to meaningfully engage with all aspects of the democratic process.

    Vote Housing is a national, non-partisan, grassroots advocacy campaign led by a coalition of advocates for affordable housing and the elimination of homelessness. It seeks to engage voters on issues of housing and to cast votes based on political party and candidate plans to address these issues.

    The Canadian Alliance of Student Associations launched a nationwide Get Out the Vote campaign together with 24 student associations (including the University of Alberta, MacEwan University, and Athabasca University). The campaign seeks to engage with students on the importance of voting and how it can shape their future.

    The On Canada Project is a grassroots initiative focused on mobilizing youth (millennials and Generation Z) to build a community of change agents to disrupt the status quo. Originally launched to share credible information about the COVID-19 pandemic targeted to youth and marginalized populations, its mandate broadened to focus on giving younger Canadians the information they need to compassionately disrupt the status quo. This has included sharing information on voting, challenging apathy, and analyzing debates.

    Voter Turnout in Previous Elections

    The right to vote is only effective when citizens exercise this right and show up to cast their ballot. The chart below represents voter turnout among Edmontonians in every municipal, provincial, and federal election between 1997 and 2019. Though voter turnout does fluctuate with each election cycle, the overall trend is that voter turnout is highest for federal elections (the highest was 69.1% in 2015) and lowest for municipal elections (the lowest was 27.2% in 2007). Competitive races in general—those with the prospect of a change in provincial or federal government or a competitive mayoral race—tend to lead to higher voter turnout.

    Figure 1— Source: Tracking the Trends, 2020

    It is clear that more work needs to be done to increase voter turnout and facilitate voter engagement, especially at the municipal level. While provincial and federal governments tackle big and sweeping issues, municipalities engage with citizens on a local level. This is crucial to building and maintaining vibrant communities that are responsive to neighbourhood concerns. Decisions that elected officials make at all levels of government affect all of our lives, both directly and indirectly. They especially impact those coming from marginalized or underserved groups—whether they are racialized or Indigenous, women, LGBTQ2S+, seniors, immigrants and refugees, children and youth, persons with disabilities, or others. Maximizing voter turnout among the eligible population is crucial to a healthy democracy.

    Voting Options for the Federal and Municipal Elections

    Federal Election

    Canada’s federal election will be held on September 20, 2021. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Elections Canada is anticipating more interest in voting by mail. The deadline for this option has passed; registration for those wishing to exercise this option ended on September 14.

    Advance polls were available on September 10, 11, 12, and 13. Locations for designated election day polls can be found through Elections Canada’s Voter Information Service. Close to 5.8 million Canadians have already voted in advance, which is a record turnout for advance voting.

    Whether voters cast their ballot by mail, in an advance poll, or on election day, it is important that they are registered to vote. This can be done in advance through the Elections Canada website, in-person at any Elections Canada office, or at the polling station on voting day.

    In previous elections, advance polling stations were set up at post-secondary institutions specifically for students to cast their ballot for any riding in Canada. This was part of an initiative called Vote on Campus, which was credited for increasing voter turnout. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this initiative is not being offered for the 2021 election. Advocates say this will place barriers on students’ ability to vote.

    Municipal Election

    Edmonton’s municipal election will be held on October 18, 2021. Advance voting will be offered from October 4 to 13. Voting locations for advance voting or election day voting can be found using the City of Edmonton’s Find Your Voting Station online tool. The number of advance voting stations has doubled from the previous election and there will be a total of 212 voting stations available across the city on election day.

    Those who cannot vote on election day or at an advance voting station due to a disability or absence from the city can request a special ballot through the City of Edmonton Elections office.

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  • fACT Sheet: Who is Responsible for Early Learning and Care?

    fACT Sheet: Who is Responsible for Early Learning and Care?

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    Introduction

    Early learning and care refers to the environments where young children who have not yet entered kindergarten spend a portion of their day under the supervision of adults other than their parents. Sometimes called daycare or child care, early learning and care includes licensed child care centres, early education programs, preschools, and family day homes.

    Early learning and care is seen as a necessity by some and a privilege by others. The federal government envisions a “system” of early learning and care that is high quality, affordable, accessible, inclusive, and flexible. The government intends to increase its financial support toward child care and to negotiate with the provincial and territorial governments on what a system of child care might look like for each.

    But who is responsible for actually building such a system?

    Who is Currently Responsible for Early Learning and Care?

    At present, the responsibility for early learning and care in Alberta is distributed across different authorities.

    • Local school boards provide early years programming, funded by Alberta Education, for some of the children who need preventive support to prepare for school entry.
    • Local non-profit organizations and for-profit businesses manage child care centres, preschools, and family day homes.
    • Alberta Children’s Services regulates child care centres, preschools, and family day homes. It also provides grants to programs and subsidies to low-income families.
    • The federal government provides funding for some preschools (e.g., Indigenous Head Start) and is committed to building a national system of early learning and child care. It has begun to distribute funds to some provinces and territories for this purpose.
    • City governments control land use and planning within the municipality.

    Unfortunately, these different levels of government and community typically do not work together in a coordinated way. The result is delivery of local child care programs and services that is highly fragmented, with some children and families left behind. For many in Edmonton, early learning and care can be difficult to access, largely unaffordable, and uneven in quality. 

    • The availability of child care spaces is constrained in Edmonton, especially depending on which area of the city a family lives. It is estimated that there are only enough full-day licensed early learning and care spaces for about 37% of Edmonton children under 5 years of age.
    • The affordability of child care is a substantial concern for many Edmonton families, with median monthly child care fees at $1,050 for infants, $950 for toddlers, and $925 for preschool-aged children in 2020. An Edmonton family with one infant and one toddler earning the median after-tax family annual income of $99,500 spends about 20% of that income on child care alone.
    • The quality of early learning and care varies widely across Edmonton. Depending on the specific child care program or service accessed, there can be a range of staff qualifications, child-to-staff ratios, group sizes, indoor and outdoor environments, and use of a curriculum framework.

    The present situation for early learning and care in Edmonton is a patchwork of programs and services that is insufficient. What is needed is a coordinated system to meet the current and future needs of Edmonton’s growing population and diverse communities.

    An integrated system of high-quality, affordable, accessible, inclusive, and flexible early learning and care would support many children and families, contribute to economic and social recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, and help to address some critical societal priorities.

    What Can the City of Edmonton Do?

    The City of Edmonton has identified early learning and care as an economic and social priority.

    • Affordable and quality child care is one of EndPovertyEdmonton’s six game changers that must be addressed if poverty is to be eliminated from Edmonton in a generation.
    • Enabling accessible child care facilities in a variety of locations throughout the city is a policy priority in the Edmonton City Plan.
    • Promoting affordable, accessible, high-quality, and inclusive early learning and child care is part of the Edmonton Economic Action Plan.

    Municipal governments are in a unique position to ensure that coordinated local planning and management of the early learning and care system is translated into programs and services that are responsive to the needs of children, families, and communities. The City of Edmonton can become a municipal leader in Alberta in support of early learning and care by implementing specific actions recommended by the Edmonton Council for Early Learning and Care.

    A municipal policy and strategy for early learning and care would represent a strong made-in-Edmonton approach to child care in the city. This policy could include various components to target some of the most pressing issues, grow the partnerships needed, and focus on strengthening capacities. The initial strategy could address issues and capitalize on opportunities through city planning, zoning, neighbourhood development, demonstration centres, and grant programs. Municipal advocacy to the provincial and federal governments could be important to begin the process of building an integrated early learning and care system.

    What Can Local School Boards Do?

    Local school boards in Alberta have some authority over decisions regarding the early education of children, as delegated to them by the provincial government’s Ministry of Education.

    School boards are well-positioned to be an integral part of the development, support, and sustainability of a system of early learning and care that will benefit children and families in their journey to and through the education system. Edmonton school boards can also strengthen their role in support of early learning and care by implementing specific actions recommended by the Edmonton Council for Early Learning and Care.

    School boards have a vital role to play. They can provide information about distribution of and access to early learning and care within school communities and neighbourhoods. They can help address issues in finding space, co-locating services, and addressing issues in early learning and care in or around schools. They can also advocate for early learning and care to other levels of government. Local schools can form partnerships with child care centres in the school attendance area to help serve children, families, and communities.

    What Can the Provincial and Federal Governments Do?

    In Alberta, the provincial government has explicit responsibilities to provide early learning and care services for Alberta’s children and their families. However, local governments and school boards can play important roles in providing services. Needs vary widely across the province and even within cities. Therefore, the provincial government would do well to collaborate closely with regional and municipal governments, school boards, and organizations that have expertise in early learning and care and that understand local conditions and requirements. The provincial government can shift focus toward building a system of early learning and care by implementing specific actions recommended by the Edmonton Council for Early Learning and Care.

    Recently the federal government has offered to help fund the cost of building a system of early learning and care in each province and territory. The provincial, territorial, and federal governments must agree on how to build such a system. This agreement will have implications for how provincial and territorial governments balance affordable care with quality, accessibility, inclusion, and flexibility that exceed what is currently available. Again, collaborating with regional and municipal governments, school boards, and organizations will be invaluable as the provincial government goes about the important task of building a system of early learning and care.fACTsheet – Who is Responsible for Early Learning and Care

    Who is Responsible for Change? Everyone!

    Building an integrated system of early learning and care that is high quality, affordable, accessible, inclusive, and flexible will require partnership and action. Responsibility to children and families lies at all levels of government and community.

    Without action, the lack of coordinated planning, management, and support will continue to result in missed opportunities, inefficiencies, and duplications. Barriers related to limited space, lack of affordable options, and inadequate assessment of needs, as well as challenges to ensure quality, inclusiveness, and cultural responsiveness will persist.

    With action, these issues can be addressed. Early learning and care is crucial to economic and social development. Access to child care is essential to workforce participation for parents, particularly women with younger children. Mothers are disproportionately affected by a lack of high quality, affordable child care, and this inequity is amplified during economic downturns and this pandemic. Experiences with high quality early learning and care are important for the learning, development, and well-being of children, as well as for reducing child poverty and educational disadvantage. Child care is a critical community service with a substantial social return on investment for communities.

    Citizens can play a significant role in supporting early learning and care! Advancing a long-term, coordinated solution can begin at the local level. Edmonton’s municipal election is an opportunity to put early learning and care on the agenda. Citizens can learn more about mayoral, city councillor, and school board trustee candidate views on early learning and care, and vote in the municipal election on October 18, 2021. In preparation for the federal election on September 20, 2021, citizens can also inform themselves about the notable differences in how federal political parties have decided to support early learning and care.

    Conclusion

    Federal, provincial, and municipal governments, school boards, community organizations, early learning and care programs, and citizens must work together. An integrated early learning and care system, with programs and services that meet the needs of Edmonton’s children, families, and communities is desperately needed.

    Special thanks to Jennifer Fischer-Summers, Jeff Bisanz, and the Edmonton Council for Early Learning and Care for helping to put together this fACT Sheet.

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  • fACT Sheet — Basic Income: Can it Happen Here?

    fACT Sheet — Basic Income: Can it Happen Here?

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    Introduction

    The COVID-19 pandemic and the ensuing economic downturn took hold in Canada starting in March 2020, exacerbated inefficiencies in Canada’s social safety net. The federal government, to its credit, worked quickly to deliver emergency relief to millions of Canadians who found themselves suddenly jobless or furloughed. Nevertheless, this moment inspired renewed conversations on the need for a basic income as a measure to insure financial security and stability for Canadians so that sudden shocks to the economy (such as global oil price stability) can be better weathered.

    This fACT Sheet will provide an overview of basic income—highlighting examples of where it has been tried, outlining its potential benefits, and identifying areas of concern that should be taken into account when designing a program of this nature.

    What is a Basic Income?

    At its core, basic income refers to a government program that provides a certain sum of money to a country’s (or a certain geographic region’s) citizens with no strings attached. The funds are intended to provide a guaranteed income so that people are able to afford the basic needs to help them thrive (e.g. food, clothing, shelter, medicine, transportation, and community participation).

    A number of terms have been used to describe the concept, which include universal basic income, guaranteed annual income, guaranteed livable income, minimum income, and negative income tax, among others. While they all describe more or less the same concept, there are variations in how a basic income could be rolled out, depending on how the program is designed.

    In one scenario, a basic income could reach every citizen regardless of income, who would be given an equal amount of money—rich, poor, or in between (tax claw backs may apply). Other variations of the program would give those with the lowest incomes the maximum amount of money which would be gradually reduced as a person’s income level rises. Alternately, a basic income could be targeted exclusively to those living below the poverty line. Frequency of payments are typically calculated monthly or annually, depending on the program’s design.

    Where in the World Has it Been Tried?

    Basic income has been tried as a pilot program for a limited duration in various countries around the world. These experimental trials have attempted to gather data on the impact of a basic income to help inform how it could be implemented on a wider scale—assuming the results are in line with the program’s intended policy goal. Most have been conducted by governments, while a few have been administered by non-profits or private enterprises.

    Notable examples of trial locations—be it historically, currently, or with aspirations to implement it in the near future—include the following:

    Canada

    The biggest basic income experiment conducted in Canada was in Dauphin, Manitoba called “Mincome.” It ran from 1974 to 1979 with the aim to address rural poverty. About one-third of the town’s residents received a guaranteed annual income equivalent to $16,000 (figure adjusted for inflation). The experiment was abandoned when the federal and provincial government felt supporting the trial was no longer viable.

    In 2017, Ontario revived the idea and ran a basic income pilot project in three cities: Hamilton, Lindsay, and Thunder Bay. It was meant to help 4,000 people in low-income and continue for three years. However, a change in government resulted in the cancellation of the project after only one year due to concerns that it would disincentive participants from working.

    Proposals for a possible basic income program are currently being explored in Newfoundland & Labrador, Nunavut, and Prince Edward Island.

    United States

    There has been steady interest and experiments in basic income trials conducted across the U.S.—past and present.

    Notably, there are two locations with a permanent basic income program. Since 1982, Alaska has provided an annual dividend to each citizen under the Alaska Permanent Fund, which is financed by oil revenues. The amount given fluctuates depending on the price of oil, but is usually between $1,000 to $2,000 USD. In North Carolina, members of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians receive a portion of the revenue from their Casino Dividend with an average of $4,000 to $6,000 USD per person each year since 1997.

    Historically, there were experiments with negative income tax programs (which provides a cash grant to those below a certain income level) to about 7,500 people across New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Iowa, North Carolina, Seattle, Denver, and Gary, Indiana between 1968 and 1974.

    Currently, Stockton, California is nearing the end of an 18-month trial (finishing in January 2021), which has given $500 USD per month to 125 people. This model is being replicated through a coalition group, Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, comprising leaders from 25 cities that are advocating for a basic income and building support to implement pilot programs of their own.

    Variations of the basic income concept are also being implemented for specific segments of the population, including a basic income program for artists out of work during COVID-19 in San Francisco and Long Beach, California as well as youth aging out of the foster care system in Santa Clara County, California.

    Brazil

    In 2020, 52,000 people in the city of Maricá have received 130 reais ($31 CAD) per month under the Renda Basica de Cidadania (Citizens’ Basic Income) program, which is expected to lift many above the poverty line. There is no end date.

    Finland

    In 2017, the Finnish government began a basic income trial directed at 2,000 unemployed citizens, chosen at random, which provided them with 560 euros ($865 CAD) per month for two years. They were assured continued income support even if they got a job.

    Germany

    In August 2020, Germany started a new basic income experiment with funding collected by the non-profit Mein Grundeinkommen from private donors. The experiment will give 120 people 1,200 euros ($1,855 CAD) per month for three years. Participants will fill out questionnaires to indicate how the benefit has affected their emotional well-being, home life, and work life. These responses will be compared to a control group who will not be receiving income support.

    Spain

    In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Spanish government launched a basic income program in June 2020 offering payments of up to 1,015 euros ($1570 CAD) to the poorest families in the country, about 850,000 households. The aim is to continue the initiative indefinitely.

    What are the Benefits of a Basic Income?

    The challenge with measuring the impacts of a basic income is having enough data to quantify impact on the standard of living and quality of life for participants. Since the vast majority of basic income programs have been pilot projects targeted towards a limited sample size for a short period of time, it is difficult to know what the long-term impacts would be.

    Nevertheless, some of the findings from these programs suggest a strong potential for a basic income program to be an integral part of a robust social safety net. Participants have reported improvements in mental and physical health, food security, educational outcomes, employment prospects, housing security, fewer addictions, and an overall increased level of happiness and less stress. Basic income has also given individuals and families the ability to volunteer and get more involved in their community or provide care to a family member. These pilot projects have shown the potential to enable more entrepreneurship, with recipients more comfortable taking risks and start a business or take on other projects.

    Considerations for Implementing a Program

    In addition to being a malignant and persistent problem in our society, poverty is also quite costly. In Alberta alone, poverty costs between $7.1 to $9.5 billion per year for issues tied to health, justice, and social services.

    Investing in programs that benefit the lives individuals and families in low-income can ease the burden on these services. For instance, investing $1 in the first few years can save up to $9 in later costs to the health and criminal justice systems. This kind of return supports the case for a basic income program in Canada—though costly to implement in the beginning, governments would see long-term savings.

    According to the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy, a basic income program in Alberta would cost around $5.3 billion to implement, while a combined federal-provincial program would cost approximately $6.1 billion.

    Final Reflections

    In principle, a basic income program has a lot of potential as a tool for poverty reduction and to build a stronger and more inclusive economy. However, the design of the program and its integration with existing government programs (whether it would replace any existing social programs?) is a pivotal and ongoing conversation. Any implementation and revision to policy must consider the best available evidence from pilot projects – past, present, and future – as they become more established worldwide.

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    • fACT Sheet — Food (In)Security During COVID-19

      fACT Sheet — Food (In)Security During COVID-19

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      What is Food (In)Security?

      As defined by the United Nations’ World Food Summit of 1996, food security exists when “all people, at all times, have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food to meet dietary needs for a productive and healthy life.”

      Food insecurity occurs when individuals or families lack access to food due to financial, physical, or social barriers. The accessibility of food can occur at community and national levels as well as within individual households. Thus, food security achieved at the community level does not necessarily prevent individuals from experiencing household food insecurity. Factors to consider when assessing food security include the availability and accessibility of food, alongside adequacy (i.e. nutritious, safe, and environmentally sustainable food) and acceptability (i.e. culturally acceptable food).

      Household food insecurity occurs due to financial constraint and exists on a spectrum that can be divided into three categories: marginal (concern about running out of food, or a limited food selection), moderate (compromise in quality or quantity of food), and severe (miss meals, reduce food intakes, or multiple days without food).

      Living with food insecurity can have detrimental impacts. According to the non-profit Community Food Centres Canada, food insecurity affects physical and mental health, relationships with loved ones and children, while also being attributed to increased social isolation, barriers in finding and maintaining employment, difficulty finding meaning and purpose in life, and impediments in the expression and sharing of culture.

      Who Is Most Impacted by Food Insecurity?

      Before the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, nearly 4.5 million Canadians were experiencing food insecurity. According to Food Banks Canada’s 2019 HungerCount, food banks across Canada had over 1 million visits, of which nearly 375,000 of them being children. In Alberta, food banks recorded over 89,000 visits, with more than 35,282 of them being children. Food bank use nationwide had stabilized with roughly the same number of visits as in 2018. Within Edmonton, 13.8% of residents were food insecure in 2017-2018. In 2019, 63,323 people received a hamper from Edmonton’s Food Bank or one of its affiliates.

      Indigenous and racialized people are also disproportionately impacted by food insecurity. Black households are 3.5 times more likely to be food insecure than white households, and almost half of all First Nations families are food insecure.

      Of those who access food banks to meet their needs, the 2019 HungerCount reported that 34% were children, 48% were single adult households, 18% were single parent households, and 57.4% were on social assistance or disability-related supports.

      COVID-19’s Impact on Food Security

      The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing food security challenges for Canadians. According to Statistics Canada, almost one in seven Canadians (14.6%) experienced food insecurity in May 2020—an increase from 10.5% just two years earlier. Canadian households with children were particularly more likely to experience food insecurity, representing nearly one in five households (19%). As a result, food bank visits increased by 20%. Notably, not everyone who is food insecure accesses a food bank, so it’s possible these numbers are even higher.

      Emergency Funding and COVID-19

      When the COVID-19 pandemic spread, all levels of government introduced a number of relief measures to help Canadians weather the public health emergency. This included funding to address food security.

      In April 2020, the Government of Canada announced $100 million in funding through the Emergency Food Security Fund to Canadian food banks and other national food rescue organizations to help improve access to food for people experiencing food insecurity. Of this funding, $50 million went to Food Banks Canada while the remainder went to Second Harvest, Community Food Centres Canada, Breakfast Club of Canada, and Salvation Army. These organizations work in the areas of food rescue, food education and advocacy, school clubs, and community meals, respectively. In October 2020, the federal government announced another $100 million in funding to address food security.

      In May 2020, the Government of Alberta gave $5 million in funding to food banks across Alberta—part of the $30 million in emergency social service support that went to more than 460 agencies.

      Locally, the Edmonton Community Foundation delivered emergency funds to various community organizations through the COVID-19 Rapid Response Fund (over $4 million) and the Emergency Community Support Fund ($2.4 million). More than $500,000 and $600,000 from these two funds, respectively, were delivered to 46 different projects that addressed food security challenges.

      Food Rescue Initiatives

      In an era when millions of Canadians experience food insecurity, diverting food waste—especially perfectly edible food that might end up in the dumpster of a grocery warehouse due—is seen as a key measure to provide emergency relief for those in need.

      In August 2020, the Government of Canada announced a $50 million investment through the Surplus Food Rescue Program to distribute food—that would otherwise go to waste—to vulnerable Canadians that would otherwise go to waste. This food surplus was one outcome of the pandemic that had forced the closure of restaurant and hospitality industries, leaving many producers without a key market for their food commodities. Not-for-profits like Food Banks Canada and Second Harvest would redistribute 12 million kilograms of fresh fruit, vegetables, meat, fish, and seafood to food insecure families that would otherwise have been wasted.

      Locally, Edmonton’s Food Bank gleans 4.8 million pounds of food waste annually, equivalent to 60—80% of its annual meals.

      Leftovers Edmonton also diverts food waste for emergency relief, and in 2019 rescued enough food to provide 164,000 meals to charity.

      The Role of Community Gardens

      While fresh food provides more nutrition than packaged or processed food, only 40% of supplies distributed to food banks is fresh. As a result, community gardens have seen renewed interest.

      The University of Alberta’s Campus Community Garden, located in the East Campus Village since 2003, promotes urban agriculture by teaching campus community members sustainable gardening practices. It also contributes to food security by providing a portion of its harvest to the Campus Food Bank.

      The use of community gardens as a way to enable greater access to locally grown food and mitigating any potential disruptions to the global supply chain also saw increased interest as the COVID-19 pandemic took hold.

      In response, the City of Edmonton launched the Pop-Up Community Gardens Pilot in the spring of 2020, adding 350 garden plots in 29 temporary garden sites, designed to give residents a chance to start gardening or expand on an existing one. The city provided the planter boxes and soil to each site while gardeners were responsible for plants, seeds, and tools. Sites were chosen based on the number of grocery stores and/or the number of multi-family buildings within the neighbourhood. These gardens have the potential to increase food education, strengthen gardening skills, and enable more consumption of nutritious fruits and vegetables.

      While these pilot initiatives demonstrate positive outcomes like social connectedness, healthier eating habits, improved mental health, and increased physical activity, they are unlikely to significantly impact food insecurity rates in Canada.

      Multicultural Responses to Food Insecurity

      Food insecurity disproportionately impacts Indigenous, newcomer, and racialized populations in Canada. It’s important, therefore, that food security measures are responsive to their needs as they are more likely to experience social isolation due to food insecurity. Within Edmonton, a number of new initiatives aim to address these concerns.

      Food hamper programs were set up by organizations such as the Somali Canadian Education and Rural Development Organization (SCERDO) and the African Diaspora COVID-19 Response. This response team was set up by the Africa Centre in collaboration with ten other groups within the African community providing food hampers to their members in order to gain better access to nutrition (which includes providing culturally relevant foods like injera and yucca powder). They also help members to navigate government support programs, provide psychosocial and emotional support, as well as career support for those facing job loss.

      In addition, the C5: Collaborative for Change (Bent Arrow Traditional Healing Society, Boyle Street Community Services, Edmonton Mennonite Centre for Newcomers, Norwood Child and Family Resource Centre and Terra Centre for Teen Parents) set up a food hamper program in response to the pandemic, delivering food to 550 families—2,000 individuals every two weeks.

      These measures are in addition to the ongoing services that existed before the pandemic. For example, the Multicultural Health Brokers Co-op has a Grocery Run Program. This program is designed to address food security challenges among immigrant and refugee communities (particularly perinatal, pregnant, and post-partum women) as a result of barriers to transportation, language, or unfamiliarity with mainstream food products. The program has seen an increase from 100 to now 450 families accessing the program each week.

      Food insecurity in Canada is primarily linked to income or financial insecurity.

      Final Reflections

      The reasons individuals and families experience food insecurity are complex, and include physical, economic, and social barriers. Within Canada, food insecurity is primarily linked to income or financial insecurity: unemployment, low-wage or precarious jobs, and social assistance rates that do not provide a livable income for recipients.

      Measures to provide immediate food relief for emergency situations are important and valuable work, but long-term policies to address income insecurity must also be part of the solution to tackle food security both during and beyond, a global pandemic. These measures include a living wage, universal basic income, and protection from sudden changes or shocks to income sources.

       

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    • fACT Sheet – Jobless Benefits During COVID-19

      fACT Sheet – Jobless Benefits During COVID-19

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      Introduction

      The COVID-19 pandemic upended Canada’s economy when public health measures forced the closure of businesses, and millions of Canadians lost their jobs or saw their incomes greatly decrease. It was immediately clear in the wake of this that the eligibility criteria for Employment Insurance (EI)—a federal program which delivers temporary benefits to workers experiencing job loss—was inadequate to cover living costs for the millions of Canadians who were unemployed or working in precarious arrangements.

      As a result, the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was implemented in April 2020 to address these gaps. About 4 million Canadians, as of August 2020, were receiving CERB benefits. The program was discontinued on September 27, 2020, with plans to transition these recipients to a modified version of the EI program.

      In light of these developments, this fACT Sheet assesses the state of jobless benefits in Canada.

      Overview and History of Employment Insurance

      Canada first implemented jobless benefits in 1940, then known as Unemployment Insurance (UI). At the time, the program covered non-government regular workers with incomes under $2,000 (about 40% of the labour force), but excluded some categories of workers like seasonal workers most likely to experience unemployment. Eligibility requirements to receive benefits was 180 days of employment or 30 weeks (assuming a 6-day work week). A recipient of UI would receive a wage replacement rate of roughly 60% for the duration of one year if they had previously had five years of continuous employment.

      In subsequent years, UI coverage and benefits expanded to include supplemental seasonal benefits as well as assistance for returning soldiers after the Second World War. In the 1950s and 1960s, UI coverage extended to self-employed fishers, and included the introduction of modest sickness benefits and a reduction in the eligibility requirement from 30 to 24 weeks. These changes covered about two-thirds of the labour force.

      The UI program was at its most generous by 1971 when coverage was nearly universal, covering 96% of wage- and salary-earning workers. Recipients were given a maximum 75% of insured earnings for those with dependents, and 66% for those without. Eligibility to receive UI was reduced from 24 to 8 weeks. In addition, UI expanded for different benefit categories, such as maternity leave, sickness, and retirement.

      Erosion of EI Supports and Eligibility

      With concerns over the increasing costs of program administration, governments began chipping away at benefit rates and criteria for eligibility in the mid-1970s. The maximum benefit rate was reduced to 66% in 1975, and a region-based eligibility criteria was introduced in 1977. This meant that the change in eligibility was based on the local unemployment rate (i.e. if the unemployment rate was high, the eligibility threshold would be low; if the unemployment rate was low, the eligibility threshold would be higher). In 1978, eligibility to receive UI increased to 20 weeks of recent employment, and the benefit rate was cut to 60%.

      The UI program was further weakened with new measures in the 1990s. The benefit rate was cut further from 60% to 57% for all claimants in 1993, and was reduced again from 57% to 55% in 1994.

      In 1996, the program was renamed to Employment Insurance. Alongside the name change, the minimum number of hours worked jumped from 180 (12 weeks at a minimum of 15 hours a week) to 420 hours over those same weeks (an average of 35 hours a week).

      By this point, only 42% of unemployed workers were now eligible for benefits. In addition, high-income earners were eligible for more EI benefits (a maximum of $573 per week) while low-income and precarious workers received fewer benefits.

      This erosion of benefits, while a challenge for the unemployed in the best of times, was simply untenable by the time the public health emergency upended the livelihoods of millions of workers in Canada.

      Canada Emergency Response Benefit

      Due to decades of erosion and eligibility criteria changes to EI benefits, and now the COVID-19 pandemic—a surge in applications for income support from jobless or furloughed Canadian workers—showed that the federal government was ill-prepared for such a situation. This was especially compounded by an increase in precarious working arrangements in the so-called “gig economy”—those working low-wage jobs with inconsistent or uncertain hours, many of whom are not typically eligible for EI.

      In response, the federal government introduced CERB, providing $2,000 per month in benefits to eligible applicants. To qualify, an applicant must have resided in Canada and be at least 15 years old, earned at least $5,000 in the previous year, and stopped working due to the pandemic. Those still working but who experienced a drop in working hours and income could still claim the benefit if their monthly employment income was less than $1,000.

      While CERB represented a pay cut for modest- and high-income workers (which amounts to $500 per week compared to the maximum of $573 per week for EI), the benefit was a pay raise for low-income workers who previously would have received EI benefits of less than $500.

      As of September 27, 2020, there were over 8.8 million unique applicants who had received the benefit at some point since the program began in April, with a total of $80.6 billion in benefits delivered across Canada. Over 1 million of these applicants were in Alberta.

      While the program was originally conceived as a temporary measure, it saw periodic extensions throughout the spring and summer of 2020. Finally, in August 2020, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland announced that CERB would wind down by September 27, 2020.

      Transitioning to a post-CERB Environment

      By the end of September 2020, the government transitioned roughly four million Canadians from CERB to other income support programs, including a modified version of EI. This was an attempt to make benefits available to more Canadians, especially those who would not have previously qualified for EI, adding more than 400,000 people into the system. The modified EI was initially set with a $400-a-week benefit floor, and its eligibility requirements have been reduced to 120 insurable hours. However, in response to pressure from the NDP opposition, the benefit has been increased to $500 a week.

      Those who have not transitioned to EI will be eligible for a suite of new benefit programs: the Canada Recovery Benefit (CRB), Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit (CRSB), and the Canada Recovery Caregiving Benefit (CRCB). Applications for the CRB open October 12, 2020, while applications for the CRSB and the CRCB are now available.*

      The CRB will provide a benefit amount of $500 per week for up to 26 weeks for workers who are not eligible for EI, mainly the self-employed and those working in the gig economy. The CRSB will provide $500 per week, for up to 2 weeks, for employees who are unable to work because they are sick or must self-isolate due to COVID-19. The CRCB will provide $500 per week, for up to 26 weeks, for households providing care to a family member who is unable to attend a school, daycare, day program, or care facility due to closure or an increased risk if they contract the virus.

      According to an analysis from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, the initial plan would have left 2.7 million CERB recipients financially worse off after the discontinuation of CERB. Recent policy changes for a modified EI and more generous CRB benefits means that about 1.8 million Canadians will now receive more money. These policy changes benefits women in particular, resulting in 1.2 million women receiving the same $500 a week benefit. About 167,000 recipients would have earned much less due to EI benefit claw back benefits of 50% for every dollar earned in employment income. Nevertheless, about 750,000 Canadians would not have received any support from any of the federal programs.

      Within Edmonton, of the 139,000 current CERB recipients, about 42,000 of them will still be financially worse-off, 69,000 will fare the same, and 28,000 will be better-off.

      Conclusion

      In hindsight, the decades long erosion of EI benefits and eligibility criteria before the pandemic made the circumstances of low-wage workers increasingly precarious. The implementation of CERB provided a necessary floor for these workers during the temporary closure of businesses. While the capacity for policy change and revision is now focused on ensuring that more workers will receive support than initially planned, it’s clear more progress is needed to see these benefits return to a level similar to 1971, when access to these benefits was nearly universal. The pandemic has made it very clear that we need to improve our social safety nets.

      *Note: details on these benefits continues to evolve. The information in this fACT Sheet is current as of October 8, 2020. Please consult Government of Canada websites for the most up-to-date information.

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    • Federal Budget 2019

      Federal budgets are highly political documents. Budget 2019 is both a pre-election budget and an effort to change the channel from the recently SNC-Lavalin controversy.

      The details of the Budget Plan with live links to different chapters can be accessed here: https://www.budget.gc.ca/2019/docs/plan/toc-tdm-en.html

      The political nature of the budget is shown by the Poverty Reduction, Health and Well-Being section which is itself buried in the Gender Equality Chapter. Much is made in this section of the ways poverty is being reduced as a result of the significant increases to child benefits made in Budget 2016. But there were nothing further announced in Budget 2019 such as increasing the child benefit amounts beyond the indexing introduced in Budget 2018.

      The chapter on Indigenous Reconciliation does propose significant additional investments totaling $4.7 billion over the next five years which are in addition to the investments made in previous budgets. Significant additional investments are being made to settle land claims, eliminate boil water advisories, and ensure that funding for education and child protection are more on par with that provided by provinces for non-Indigenous children.

      Other than committing to establish a legislated National Housing Strategy, no additional details on the proposed Canada Housing Benefit tailored to low income renters were announced in Budget 2019. Several housing measures not tailored to low income Canadians were announced targeted to young millennials seeking to become home owners. Additional funding was also announced to extend a Rental Construction Financing Initiative from four years to 10 years.

      As would be expected in a pre-election budget, there are a number of new initiatives (goodies) announced that potentially benefit low income Canadians such as:

      • a Canada Training Benefit for those needing to re-train for a new career
      • improvements to make Canada Student Loans more accessible and affordable
      • some additional detail on a national pharmacare programs including the establishment of a new federal agency to rein in rising drug costs,
      • reducing claw backs of the Guaranteed Income Supplement from employment earnings for low income seniors who continue to working beyond age 65, and
      • establishing a Canada Food Policy to improve access to nutritious food, address food security in Northern Canada and Indigenous communities, and reduce food waste.

      The new measures in Budget 2019 are affordable due to higher than expected government revenues from income taxes and the GST. Despite the additional investments, many focused on what are seen as priorities for middle income Canadians, budget deficits for this year and next are expected to be slightly lower than previously forecast.

      Prepared by

      John Kolkman, Research Associate,
      Edmonton Social Planning Council