Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: Social Issues: Poverty

  • fACTivist Feature Article: Economic Insecurity Concerns During COVID-19

    fACTivist Feature Article: Economic Insecurity Concerns During COVID-19

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     Note: this is excerpted from Summer 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community

    During the height of the pandemic, Alberta’s unemployment rate went as high as 15.5%, according to Labour Force Survey results for the month of May 2020, as businesses were forced to close due to public health restrictions. This excludes those who did not lose their jobs entirely, but rather saw their hours and income drastically reduced; some experts believe the true unemployment rate could be as high as 30%. 

    This major disruption has laid bare who some of the most financially vulnerable are during this pandemic and has exposed holes in our social safety net. According to Statistics Canada’s recent report, Work Interruptions and financial vulnerability, single mothers are some of the most vulnerable individuals when faced with work interruption of two months, with 56% of them unlikely to be able to make ends meet. Commentary that the current economic downturn has disproportionately affected women, at time referred to as a “she-cession,” means this development is not a complete surprise. Other highly vulnerable households include those headed by Indigenous people or newcomers. Financially vulnerable families would need approximately $1,745 per month, on average, just to stay above the poverty line. 

    In addition, these work interruptions have laid bare the vulnerability of workers engaged in precarious work, especially those in the so-called “gig economy,” where unincorporated self-employed workers enter into various contracts with firms to complete specific tasks for a negotiated sum. These include the use of online platforms such as Uber, Lyft, TaskRabbit, Skip the Dishes, and Upwork. While some take on gig work as a supplemental source of income in addition to standard employment, nearly half of Canadians who take on gig work do so as a primary source of income.  These types of working arrangements do not provide adequate job security, health benefits, or consistent income, nor do they support opportunities to save money. 

    When the pandemic hit, it became abundantly clear that a lot of Canadians who found themselves out of work faced barriers to accessing benefits, especially when their situations did not meet the threshold for obtaining income supports such as Employment Insurance (EI). The federal government reacted by creating benefit programs designed to help those who would otherwise fall through the cracks, such as the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit and the Canada Emergency Student Benefit. They also provided temporary boosts to existing programs for parents of children, seniors, persons with disabilities, and gave out additional GST rebates. 

    While these relief measures are welcome and much-needed for vulnerable low-income Albertans and Canadians, the pandemic has made clear that we need to rethink our safety nets not only for public health emergencies, but for all times. 

    Robust conversations have been had on whether a universal basic income would be needed to address this shortfall. While the precise details of what a basic income would look like, and how it would be incorporated within our existing social programs, is still an open conversation, it is abundantly clear that we need to ensure there is a floor built for our society’s most vulnerable. By ensuring they can access the most basic of needsnutritious food, shelter, medicine, clothing, access to transportation, and othersthey will never be forced to go without or fall through the cracks. 

     

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  • fACT Sheet — Child Benefits in Alberta and Canada

    fACT Sheet — Child Benefits in Alberta and Canada

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    Introduction

    Child benefits have been demonstrated to be an important tool for alleviating and reducing child poverty. A recent report from UNICEF highlighted that in 15 high-income countries, delivering universal child benefits alone led to a five percentage point reduction in child poverty on average. In light of the economic toll the COVID-19 pandemic is having on low- and middle-income families coupled with recent changes to benefit programs, our fACT Sheet assesses the current state of provincial and federal child benefit programs for Alberta and Canada, respectively.

    Alberta Child and Family Benefit: Overview and History

    Child benefits in Alberta were initially introduced as the Alberta Working Family Supplement by Premier Jim Prentice in March 2015. At the time, the tax credit would provide working families earning less than $41,220 an annual benefit of $1,100, and an additional $550 for each of the next three children. This was set to take effect July 2016.

    When Rachel Notley became premier in May 2015, the program was revamped and implemented as the Alberta Child Benefit (ACB).

    This was done in conjunction with an enhanced Alberta Family Employment Tax Credit (AFETC), which provided a maximum annual benefit of $754 for the first child, ranging up to $1,987 for families with four children of more. Families had to earn at least $2,760 in employment income to receive the credit. The “phase out” threshold was $41,250, and families earning above that threshold were to receive less of the credit proportionately to their income, becoming zero when their income reached about $77,000.

    In its first year of implementation (2016-2017 benefit year), the ACB reached 245,060 children in 127,345 families while the AFETC reached 359,790 children in 178,745 families. The average annual amounts families received for each benefit were $1,145 and $780, respectively.

    In the years following, these benefits were indexed for inflation. By 2019, the maximum benefit for the ACB was $1,155 for one child and $2,886 for four or more children. For the AFETC, families could receive a maximum benefit of $783 per year for one child, and $2,604 for four or more children. 

    The New Benefit Program

    After Jason Kenney became premier in April 2019, his government’s first provincial budget saw the ACB and AFETC combined into a single program called the Alberta Child and Family Benefit (ACFB). The ACFB took effect in July 2020 and provides direct financial assistance on a quarterly basis to low- and middle-income households. The benefit is divided into two components: the base component and the working component. The base component is available to families regardless of employment status and gives up to $1,330 annually for the first child, all the way up to $3,325 for four or more children. This component starts to decrease after families make $24,467 and ends once families make $41,000 in household income. The working component applies to families who make over $2,760 a year, and provides up to $681 annually for the first child, or $1,795 for four or more children. This component starts to drop after families make $41,000 and ends at $61,000 in household income.

    What the New ACFB Means for Low-Income Families

    The threshold for receiving provincial child benefits drops off drastically at a relatively low-income cut-off, and families who are barely making enough to support themselves will not get sufficient benefits. Once a household income reaches $41,000, a family is no longer eligible for the base component of the ACFB, while the working component simultaneously begins to decrease. This means that a dual income family where both parents work full-time at minimum wage ($15 per hour) would not receive the base component and would see a reduced working component.

    In comparison, under the previous ACB and AFETC benefit schemes a dual-income family with two children that made $41,000 would have received $3,187 in benefits, while under the new system they will only receive $1,886. This is a significant reduction in benefits and undermines the progress previously made in alleviating child poverty. Families losing out on government transfer income will likely have to make more employment income to support their families in order to provide a modest existence and reach financial security.

    Canada Child Benefit: Overview and History

    Child benefits delivered by the federal government have been in existence in some form since 1945. The most recent incarnation is the Canada Child Benefit (CCB), which was introduced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in 2016 to replace its predecessor, the Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB). The UCCB initially provided a taxable $100 per month benefit to every child in the country under the age of six. By 2015, the benefit had increased to $160 per month, just before Justin Trudeau was elected Prime Minister.

    Trudeau’s revamped CCB increased federal spending on child benefits, making them more generous for low- and middle-income households, and less generous for higher-income households. At the CCB’s inception, households with an annual income of $30,000 or less received a maximum of $6,400 per year for each child under the age of 6, and $5,400 per year for each child between the ages of 6 and 17. Higher household incomes received progressively smaller benefit amounts, up to a maximum of households earning more than $200,000 annually, which did not receive any benefits. All of those benefits were tax-free.

    Since 2016, the CCB has been indexed to inflation to keep up with rising costs of raising children. As of July 2020, the maximum child benefit families receive is $6,765 per child under the age of 6 and $5,708 per child between the ages of 6 and 17.

    In the 2018-2019 benefit year, nearly $24 billion in benefits reached more than 3.6 million recipients in Canada. In Alberta, nearly $3 billion in benefits reached over 445,000 recipients in the province.

    Recent Developments

    As a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Prime Minister Trudeau issued a number of relief measures to help Canadians financially impacted by the economic downturn caused by the virus. This included a one-time extra payment of $300 to families for each child under the age of 18 allocated via the CCB.

    The Trudeau Liberals also campaigned during the 2019 federal election on a pledged 15% increase to the CCB for children under the age of 1, giving families up to $1,000 more annually. Despite their re-election, this campaign pledge has yet to be implemented for the 2020-21 benefit year.

    Areas of Concern

    While the CCB has been lauded for reducing child poverty across Canada and lifting nearly 280,000 children out of poverty, questions persist about whether further investments are needed to address child poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic. Some advocacy groups, including Campaign 2000, have argued that the one-time $300 top-up to the CCB should be continued for at least the duration of the pandemic and its economic fallout as an important income security tool.

    In addition, the distribution of child benefits for both provincial and federal programs to those who qualify is contingent upon filing a tax return. An average of 12% of adult Canadians do not file tax returns (15.3% for Albertans). A large portion of those who do not file are among the most vulnerable populations, with estimates showing that roughly one-third of social assistance recipients do not file taxes. As many as 40% of eligible First Nations families do not receive the CCB. This lag in distribution undermines the intended poverty reduction goals of these programs.

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  • fACTivist Feature Article: Family Class Sponsored Immigrant Seniors in Canada: Income Dependency Challenges

    fACTivist Feature Article: Family Class Sponsored Immigrant Seniors in Canada: Income Dependency Challenges

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    Note: this is excerpted from Summer 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community

    Written by Jenn Rossiter, in collaboration with the Multicultural Health Brokers Cooperative and Age of Wisdom 

    Canada is a welcoming nation that embraces newcomers, and supports diversity and healthy families within its communities. However, when immigrants arrive they often encounter regulations and policies that make settling in a new country difficult. This can be especially tough for senior immigrants who face additional challenges to access income programs that could help them gain independence and security in their new surroundings.

    Senior immigrants typically arrive in Canada through the Family Class pathway, which allows Canadian citizens or permanent residents of Canada who are aged 18 years or older to sponsor family members (e.g. a spouse, child, parent or grandparent, or sibling).

    Every sponsorship is subject to a federal Sponsorship Agreement, which specifies how long a sponsor must financially support the incoming family member (called the undertaking period). This timeframe has been steadily increasing, causing undue stress and uncertainty for those involved. At the moment, parents and grandparents (PGPs) who arrive via Family Class sponsorship are required to remain financially dependent on their sponsor for 20 years. This affects their lives in countless challenging ways.

    The undertaking period for Family Class sponsorships has changed four times since the Immigration Act, 1976. From the late 70s, the undertaking period was between 1-10 years. However, the government found that sponsorship breakdowns were too frequent, leaving immigrants to rely on federal supports and costing the government money. In 1997, new regulations were introduced that put stricter financial requirements on a sponsorship, and set the undertaking period at 10 years.[i] The Immigration and Refugee Protection Act replaced Canada’s Immigration Act in 2002, and changed the undertaking period to either 3 or 10 years, depending on the relationship between sponsor and applicant. For example, the undertaking period for a spouse was only 3 years, whereas the undertaking period for PGPs remained 10 years.

    In 2012, the federal government realized that 70% of PGPs’ income came through the federal Old Age Security pension (OAS) and the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) programs.[ii] Of several amendments, the government doubled the sponsorship undertaking period for PGPs to 20 years, starting in 2014. This was meant to help ease government costs associated with federal and provincial social assistance programs, but also added financial responsibility to the sponsor—an annual increase of approximately 19% per household.2  Financial dependency can place a heavy burden on one family and household; these income supports could help alleviate anxieties, but program regulations are creating challenges.

    Eligibility for OAS is based on residence and legal status requirements. Qualifying seniors must be over 65, be a legal resident, and have lived in Canada for at least 10 years. There are two levels of OAS: the full pension and the partial pension. In addition to the above requirements, recipients can qualify for the full pension if they have lived in Canada for a minimum of 40 years. The partial pension qualification, in addition to the basic requirements above, is determined by a calculation using the number of years lived in Canada, beyond the minimum of 10.[iii]

    The GIS program is available to support seniors who qualify as low-income. Unfortunately, low-income rates among senior immigrants in Canada is nearly double that of non-immigrants, averaging at around 21%.[iv] Despite this, PGPs are typically not eligible to receive GIS until they have resided in Canada for a minimum of 10 years, are eligible for OAS, and their undertaking period has come to an end. For those immigrating after 2014, this means they cannot access GIS until they have been in Canada for a minimum of 20 years.

    Generally speaking, PGP applicant eligibility (after 2014) could be summarized by the following:

    For a senior immigrant who has legally resided in Canada for less than 10 years:

    • Individuals are not eligible for OAS.
    • Individuals are not eligible for GIS.

    For a senior immigrant who has legally resided in Canada for 10-19 years:

    • Individuals may be eligible for partial
    • Individuals are not eligible for GIS.

    For a senior immigrant who has legally resided in Canada for 20 years or more:

    • Individuals may be eligible for partial or full
    • Individuals may be eligible for GIS.

    To illustrate this, consider a Canadian citizen who has just been approved to sponsor their 70-year-old mother. The mother will be 80 years old before she can apply to access any of these income supports, and could likely only access partial OAS at that point. She will have to wait until she is 90 years old to apply for GIS, and an incredible 110 years old before applying for the full pension! These extended wait times for seniors to access supports and benefits are inhospitable, and are negatively affecting families.

    If the mother qualified for the partial OAS benefit after 10 years of residence, she would only receive ¼ of the full pension amount, meaning that, with current calculations, at the age of 80 she would receive a modest $153 each month[v]—an amount that would remain fixed for the remainder of her lifetime. All the while she will have been relying on her child to financially support her, paying for basic needs (food, shelter, clothing) and other necessities (health, transportation). Contributing such a small amount of money each month can leave PGPs feeling like a burden. This causes a lot of financial and emotional strain on a family, not to mention the impact of unexpected changes in health and income that are almost certain to occur in a household over a 10 or 20 year period.

    These issues only begin to explore some of the extensive financial obligations and stresses that fall on PGPs and sponsors, and the challenges that PGPs face in trying to become independent residents in Canada. Canada is a country that welcomes newcomers, but this financial stress should be reduced to benefit its population, in a way that truly does support healthy families and communities.

    References

    [i] Citizenship & Immigration Canada (1998), http://publications.gc.ca/collections/Collection/Ci51-86-1998E.pdf

    [ii] Government of Canada (2013), http://gazette.gc.ca/rp-pr/p1/2013/2013-05-18/html/reg2-eng.html

    [iii] Government of Canada, https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/publicpensions/cpp/old-age-security/benefit-amount.html#h2.2-h3.2

    [iv] Statistics Canada (2019), https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/75-006-x/2019001/article/00017-eng.htm

    [v] Government of Canada, https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/publicpensions/cpp/old-age-security/guaranteed-income-supplement/eligibility.html

    [/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.4″ custom_padding=”0px|20px|0px|20px|false|false” border_color_left=”#a6c942″ custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_testimonial author=”Posted by:” job_title=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3IiLCJzZXR0aW5ncyI6eyJiZWZvcmUiOiIiLCJhZnRlciI6IiIsIm5hbWVfZm9ybWF0IjoiZGlzcGxheV9uYW1lIiwibGluayI6Im9uIiwibGlua19kZXN0aW5hdGlvbiI6ImF1dGhvcl93ZWJzaXRlIn19@” portrait_url=”@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9hdXRob3JfcHJvZmlsZV9waWN0dXJlIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnt9fQ==@” quote_icon=”off” disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”job_title,portrait_url” _module_preset=”default” body_text_color=”#000000″ author_font=”||||||||” author_text_align=”center” author_text_color=”#008ac1″ position_font=”||||||||” position_text_color=”#000000″ company_text_color=”#000000″ background_color=”#ffffff” text_orientation=”center” module_alignment=”center” custom_margin=”0px|0px|4px|0px|false|false” custom_padding=”32px|0px|0px|0px|false|false”][/et_pb_testimonial][et_pb_text disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”content” _module_preset=”default” text_text_color=”#000000″ header_text_align=”left” header_text_color=”rgba(0,0,0,0.65)” header_font_size=”20px” text_orientation=”center” custom_margin=”||50px|||” custom_padding=”48px|||||”]@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9jYXRlZ29yaWVzIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnsiYmVmb3JlIjoiUmVsYXRlZCBjYXRlZ29yaWVzOiAgIiwiYWZ0ZXIiOiIiLCJsaW5rX3RvX3Rlcm1fcGFnZSI6Im9uIiwic2VwYXJhdG9yIjoiIHwgIiwiY2F0ZWdvcnlfdHlwZSI6ImNhdGVnb3J5In19@[/et_pb_text][/et_pb_column][/et_pb_row][/et_pb_section]

  • fACTivist Feature Article: A Lesson from COVID-19 about Early Learning and Care

    fACTivist Feature Article: A Lesson from COVID-19 about Early Learning and Care

    [et_pb_section fb_built=”1″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ custom_margin=”0px||0px||false|false” custom_padding=”0px||0px||false|false”][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ use_custom_gutter=”on” gutter_width=”1″ _builder_version=”4.7.3″ _module_preset=”default” width=”100%” custom_margin=”0px||||false|false” custom_padding=”3px||5px|||” border_width_bottom=”1px” border_color_bottom=”#a6c942″][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ _module_preset=”default”][et_pb_post_title meta=”off” featured_image=”off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _module_preset=”default” title_font=”||||||||” custom_margin=”||3px|||” border_color_bottom=”#a6c942″][/et_pb_post_title][/et_pb_column][et_pb_column type=”1_4″ _builder_version=”4.7.0″ _module_preset=”default”][et_pb_image src=”https://edmontonsocialplanning.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/boxes_1.gif” title_text=”boxes_1″ align=”center” disabled_on=”on|off|off” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _module_preset=”default” width=”100%” custom_margin=”-2px||-1px||false|false” custom_padding=”||7px|||”][/et_pb_image][/et_pb_column][/et_pb_row][et_pb_row column_structure=”3_4,1_4″ use_custom_gutter=”on” gutter_width=”1″ make_equal=”on” _builder_version=”4.7.4″ background_size=”initial” background_position=”top_left” background_repeat=”repeat” width=”100%” custom_margin=”0px|auto|0px|auto|false|false” custom_padding=”37px|0px|44px|0px|false|false”][et_pb_column type=”3_4″ _builder_version=”4.5.6″ custom_padding=”0px|0px|0px|0px|false|false” custom_padding__hover=”|||”][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.7.4″ _dynamic_attributes=”content” _module_preset=”default” text_font=”||||||||” text_text_color=”#000000″ custom_padding=”||32px|||”]@ET-DC@eyJkeW5hbWljIjp0cnVlLCJjb250ZW50IjoicG9zdF9kYXRlIiwic2V0dGluZ3MiOnsiYmVmb3JlIjoiIiwiYWZ0ZXIiOiIiLCJkYXRlX2Zvcm1hdCI6ImRlZmF1bHQiLCJjdXN0b21fZGF0ZV9mb3JtYXQiOiIifX0=@[/et_pb_text][et_pb_text _builder_version=”4.7.4″ text_line_height=”1.6em” header_2_font=”||||||||” header_2_text_color=”#008ac1″ header_2_font_size=”24px” background_size=”initial” background_position=”top_left” background_repeat=”repeat” width=”95%” module_alignment=”left” custom_margin=”-1px|0px|2px|-96px|false|false” hover_enabled=”0″ locked=”off” sticky_enabled=”0″]

    Note: this is excerpted from Summer 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community.

    Written by Jeff Bisanz

    Stressful times create difficulties, but they also afford opportunities for learning. So far, stresses associated with the COVID-19 pandemic have caused us to learn, among other things, that how we respond to public health crises needs improvement, and that employment and family income are precarious in many parts of our economy. We also need to attend to the lessons of COVID-19 for our youngest citizens, their families, and those who care for them. 

    By now we all should realize that early learning and care for young children and their families is not only a nice optionit is a core component of our communities and our economy. This point is obvious to working parents with young children; to newcomer families who struggle to learn the culture and find jobs; to elementary school teachers who can see the benefits of high-quality early learning and care as children enter school; to employers whose employees miss work when they cannot find child care; and to economists who study the short- and long-term effects of early learning and care. The point was made obvious by our provincial government, which closed all early learning and care centres mid-March as a public health measure, but then, a fortnight later, encouraged some to reopen after realizing that many essential workers, such as health care professionals, cannot do their work unless they have access to child care. 

    We are now beginning to realize that there can be no economic recovery without early learning and care (Bezanson, Bevan, Lysack, & Hammer, 2020). Moreover, parents and communities should not, and will not, accept facilities, however safe, that simply warehouse their children. Child care options must be affordable and easily accessible, and they must be high in quality to support children’s social and intellectual wellbeing and development.

    Affordability and accessibility have long been major concerns in Alberta, and the situation may well be worse after the pandemic. A combination of factors has created an enormous amount of uncertainty and financial stress for those who operate early learning and care centres. The contributing factors include lengthy closures, rules that (rightly) limit class sizes on reopening, ambiguity about compensation for safety precautions, uncertainty about staff retention and participation as parents struggle financially, and limited financial support to sustain centres during the public health emergency, as compared to other provinces.

    Unless the picture changes, these financial burdens are likely to lead to increased costs (which work against affordability), cutting corners (which works against quality), and/or business failures (which work against accessibility). Quality is of particular concern. Prior to the pandemic, the provincial government decided to discontinue accreditation, an important means of monitoring and improving the quality of child care centres. Nothing was done to support quality during the pandemic and no plan has yet emerged to ensure high quality in the future.

    So, do we try to return to normal, or do we recognize that the old normal was not really working all that well?  Maybe the situation can be patched with adjustments to subsidies for low-income families, temporary financial incentives for operators, and minor revisions to legislation and regulations. Many long-time observers do not believe that these patches will work and, in fact, that we do not have a system of early learning and care at all, but rather a fragmented and, as COVID-19 has taught us, fragile patchwork of services that does not work well for a great many families. Our “system” is almost entirely market-driven, without the kind of overall planning and management that could provide stable, sustainable services through pandemics, economic downturns, and other disruptions. Such disruptions tend to compromise vulnerable families most severely, and it is precisely these families that tend to be most in need of early learning and care that is affordable, accessible, and high in quality.

    The COVID-19 experience has underscored the reality that early learning and care is important for the wellbeing of our communities and our economy. An effective system of early learning and care requires appropriate public planning and management at a systemic level, as well as effective delivery by caring and well-educated providersbe they public, private, notforprofit, or private forprofit. At various points in our history we evaluated other critical servicessuch as health care, education, policing, and firefighting. We decided that, for the sake of personal and community wellbeing, these services required appropriate public planning and management. The question now is whether we have the community and political leadership necessary to do the same for early learning and care. 

     Reference 

    Bezanson, K., Bevan, A., Lysack, M., & Hammer, K. (2020, April). From stabilization to stimulus and beyond: A roadmap to social and economic recovery.  Retrieved from https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jplKknjy9ON_ItnbEtQTxW602AKTIhqJ/view  

    Jeff Bisanz is co-chair of the Edmonton Council for Early Learning and Care, a member of the Stewardship Round Table for EndPoverty Edmonton, and professor emeritus at the University of Alberta. 

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  • Op-Ed: All parties must be prepared to compromise to prioritize human-rights approach to affordable housing (July 9, 2020)

    Op-Ed: All parties must be prepared to compromise to prioritize human-rights approach to affordable housing (July 9, 2020)

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    Note: This op-ed was originally published in the Edmonton Journal on July 9, 2020.

    by Sandra Ngo and Brett Lambert

    We’ve seen the headlines before: vocal members of the community expressing their opposition to a proposed affording housing development.

    Stories of home owners’ associations taking developers to court, protests organized, and heated discussions at city council hearings are all commonplace occurrences during the public engagement process.

    Recently, Edmonton City Council voted in favour of selling four parcels of land to Homeward Trust to build permanent supportive housing, which are located in Terrace Heights, King Edward Park, McArthur Industrial, and Inglewood. These sites will build a total of 150 units, which represent a portion of the 900 housing units the city needs to build by 2024 as part of their goal to end chronic homelessness.

    Permanent supportive housing is a type of continuous care that combines subsidized housing with support services. These services can run the gamut, from innocuous programs such as community support groups and child care, to full-time, in-house registered nurses and psychologists. These investments are lauded for saving taxpayer money by reducing pressure on health and emergency services, the justice system, and reducing social disorder.

    Despite these tangible benefits, some concerns over neighbourhood safety have been expressed. Does it always have to be this way? We don’t think so. The Edmonton Social Planning Council recently published a report, Public Engagement on Affordable Housing in Edmonton, which explores best practices for how a robust public engagement strategy can address these concerns and offers a number of recommendations to community league members, city administration, and affordable housing developers.

    Good public engagement helps to find common ground between groups which may have different interests and leads to a development that is better integrated with the neighbourhood while benefiting the vulnerable populations who will be housed in these units in the long-term.

    The key to a successful public engagement process is to start early and be transparent about the use of public input. Early and ongoing engagement allows for a dialogue to be created, and facilitates a deeper understanding of affordable housing within a community. This makes for more meaningful negotiations, where developers are able to gather feedback and reflect it back to the community, who in turn reciprocate the process.

    The notion of feeling heard early on builds trusting relationships, dispels misunderstandings, and the lack of delay reduces discord among the community. Here the engagement process becomes meaningful and is not simply a formality.

    Incorporating a human rights approach in the public engagement process is also a crucial component in increasing support for affordable housing. By framing the conversation around someone’s right to have adequate housing, the average person can recognize the role they play in helping marginalized populations and confronting stereotypes and prejudice against impoverished communities. Public engagement based on this premise can bust myths related to crime, safety, housing prices, and overcrowding.

    Innovating the public engagement process is another way to bring about a successful outcome. Each neighbourhood has a different dynamic, with preferences varying widely according to the community. A non-traditional engagement format can include walking tours of successful affordable housing developments. These neighbourhood walkthroughs were cited as effective tools for increasing understanding and acceptance of developments and allowed for innovative ways of hearing community feedback.

    When it comes to the planning process of an affordable housing development, change can be an inherently uncomfortable process and concerns from community members need to be addressed in order to move forward for a mutually beneficial result. All parties must be prepared to compromise while prioritizing a human rights-based approach whereby the most vulnerable are afforded their right to safe and adequate housing.

    The four permanent supportive housing developments represent an important step forward for ending homelessness in Edmonton. They help people who have complex needs stay safe, healthy, and build community. As the next steps are undertaken, we hope that the best practices as outlined in our report will help facilitate a robust public engagement process resulting in housing stability for those who need it most.

    Sandra Ngo is Research Coordinator of the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

    Brett Lambert is Community Engagement Coordinator of the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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  • Research Update: Understanding Support Barriers for LGBTQ2 People

    Research Update: Understanding Support Barriers for LGBTQ2 People

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    Note: this is excerpted from the May 2020 edition of our “Research Update” publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews, prepared by our volunteers, on recently published social research reports and publications.

    Reviewed by Hanna Nash

    In Provider Perspectives: Understanding Support Barriers for LGBTQ2 People, NorQuest College researchers Cindy Boucher and Kassi Boyd examine the difficulties and perspectives of front-line workers when providing services to Edmonton’s homeless, or at-risk of homelessness, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and two-spirit (LGBTQ2) community.

    When exploring the specific obstacles affecting staff in relation to their work with homeless or at-risk members of the LGBTQ2 community, Boucher and Boyd discovered three central difficulties experienced by most organizations in Edmonton: a lack of resources for staff, limited contact with self-identified LGBTQ2 members, and continued fear from members of LGBTQ2 groups to identify themselves and their unique needs to organizations. The results of Boucher and Boyd’s study is restricted to interviews held with 35 individual front-line service providers in Edmonton. Research from the organizations themselves was limited and difficult to procure.

    Organizations offering help to these individuals facing homelessness often do not have relevant policies, procedures, or guidelines readily available for staff to reference. In addition, most staff reported that they did not feel that they were adequately educated in current LGBTQ2 culture and systemic barriers to fully understand how homelessness is influenced by gender identification and sexual orientation. Although most interviewees expressed an interest in receiving education on the LGBTQ2 community, most support staff indicated that they were unaware of ways to become more informed. This in turn creates a lack of consistent aid available for those who are vulnerable as they are subject to individual staff biases, and by the onus for staff to access external resources and knowledge.

    Self-identification is not a requirement for clients who seek help. Not being aware of which clients are part of the LGBTQ2 community creates added challenges for support staff when helping individuals specific to this community. Many support staff could not indicate the number of LGBTQ2 clients they may have had, or in fact whether they had ever helped an LGBTQ2 client. This additional difficulty prevents front-line staff from understanding a client’s specific needs and struggles. Furthermore, most organizations rely on a generalized client-focused approach, whereby staff assess each client and provide resources regardless of who they are. Although this blanket approach is done in the interest of aiding in a non-discriminatory fashion, it does not take into consideration the specific challenges the LGBTQ2 community faces, such as risks to physical or mental health.

    This leads to the third most identified barrier. As many members in this community have experienced traumatic events related to their gender identification and sexual orientation, many choose not to self-identify. As a result, these LGBTQ2 members often do not feel safe in expressing their individual circumstances, and believe that they are risking their safety by exposing themselves to a front-line service worker. Front-line service staff identified this as a barrier to current and continued help for the community, suggesting that without increased self-identification, resources specific to their needs will likely not be made available to them or their community. Assets, particularly government funding, will likely only be made available with proof and justification for a population. This study also demonstrated that although many front-line staff respect an LGBTQ2 individual’s right to conceal their sexual orientation or preferred gender, staff were generally unable to give specific reasons or examples for why an individual would refrain from self-identifying.

    Boucher and Boyd provide many insights into the difficulties front-line staff experience when trying to provide aid to homeless or at-risk LGBTQ2 people. Further research into specific populations within the community could provide governments and society with an enhanced understanding of the impediments faced by front-line service providers. For example, this study does not distinguish the unique concerns between age groups, gender, or health within this population.

    Additionally, as this research was undertaken with the help of front-line staff who volunteered to speak to Boucher and Boyd, it presents a difficulty in truly understanding the position that organizations take when aiding members of the LGBTQ2 community. Boucher and Boyd do take into consideration that the people who volunteered to take part in their study are most likely open to supporting the LGBTQ2 community, and consequently, much of this research is based upon individual biases and interests rather than the outcomes of clearly identified and consistent policies of organizations providing aid.

    Boucher and Boyd’s research addresses the concerns that have been overlooked by society and the very organizations that exist to help those who are most vulnerable. If organizations were held accountable to implement specific policies and procedures, perhaps front-line service staff would be more effective in helping the LGBTQ2 community.

    Publication SourceBoucher, C. & Boyd, K. (2018). Provider Perspectives: understanding support barriers for LGBTQ2 people. NorQuest College. Retrieved from: http://homewardtrust.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Boucher-and-Boyd-2018.-Understanding-support-barriers-for-LGBTQ2-people.pdf

    Volunteer Research ReviewerHanna Nash enjoys ballet performances and other live theatre, as well as outdoor sports and travelling to new countries. Hanna is interested in sharing information and knowledge to Edmonton’s diverse communities.

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