Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: **Resources: Labour:

  • Edmonton Living Wage 2021 Update

    Edmonton Living Wage 2021 Update

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    A living wage is rooted in the belief that individuals and families should not just survive, but live with dignity and participate in their community. A living wage is defined as the hourly wage that a primary income earner must make to provide for themselves, their families, and reach basic financial security. It allows for a higher standard of living than what is included in the Market Basket Measure, which is based on subsistence living. It includes child care, allowance for one parent to attend school, extended health and dental plans, and a minor emergency contingency fund. However, it does not include items that would allow families to “get ahead”, such as putting away savings or paying down debt.

    This is the sixth year that the Edmonton Social Planning Council has calculated Edmonton’s living wage. It is based on the Canadian Living Wage Framework (2015) created by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA).

    In 2021, ESPC adjusted its methods slightly. Beginning in 2018, ESPC partnered with several organizations and municipalities across Alberta to create the Alberta Living Wage Network. ESPC has decided to adjust its methodologies to remain consistent with the Alberta Living Wage Network.

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  • Vital Topic: Small Business & Employment in Edmonton

    Vital Topic: Small Business & Employment in Edmonton

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    Edmonton Vital Signs is an annual checkup conducted by Edmonton Community Foundation, in partnership with Edmonton Social Planning Council, to measure how the community is doing. Vital Topics are a quick but comprehensive look at issues that are timely and important to Edmonton.

    For this edition, we take a look at small businesses and employment in Edmonton. This includes information and data related to small business ownership and employment, other employment opportunities, types of businesses, and the impact of the pandemic on businesses in the city.

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  • Op-Ed: Hero-pay raises are the least we can do for frontline workers

    Op-Ed: Hero-pay raises are the least we can do for frontline workers

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    Note: this op-ed originally ran in the Edmonton Journal on December 9, 2020.

    Written by Sydney Sheloff and Brett Lambert

    When the COVID-19 pandemic caused lockdowns for much of Canada’s economy back in March, an interesting thing happened. The contributions of those working minimum wage or low-income jobs – whether they were grocery store cashiers, delivery drivers, warehouse workers fulfilling online shopping orders, aides in long-term care facilities, among others – were now considered essential. It became immediately clear that their work needed to continue in order to make sure food and other goods were readily available to the public. The only problem? Their essential work did not provide them with a living wage that allowed them to sufficiently provide for themselves, their families, and reach basic financial security.

    In order to address this disparity and to make sure these workers still showed up in the face of tremendous risk, workers at major grocery chains such as Loblaws, Save-on-Foods, and Safeway were given a temporary pay raise – usually $2 per hour – in acknowledgment of their hard work.

    This increase – often called “hero pay” – was a boon for these workers. Many reported feeling greater financial security, being able to afford their bills without having to choose which ones to pay, and worker morale improved with a sense they were more appreciated by their employer. However, by the summer time, the grocery chains phased out their bonus pay as the economy started to re-open and active cases of COVID-19 were declining.

    Now that Canada and much of the world is experiencing a brutal second wave of infections that has surpassed the worst of the first wave, it is time for hero pay to be brought back to the table.

    The Edmonton Social Planning Council’s latest edition of Tracking the Trends keeps track of short-term and long-term trends in Edmonton’s social well-being. The evidence is clear that normalizing a living wage for essential services is long overdue, especially during a public health emergency like this.

    An average of 117,300 employed persons were earning less than the living wage in the Edmonton area, which we have calculated to be $16.51 per hour as of 2019. Almost two-thirds of these workers are women. The cost of living in Edmonton continues to increase steadily over time with inflation increasing by 17.8% and food costs rising at double the rate of inflation over the last 20 years. With the pandemic requiring everyone to isolate, many are turning to food delivery services to remain safe and as a result, they are burdened with additional fees for delivery. These trends suggest these living costs will not be improving anytime soon.

    Keeping wages stagnant does not serve those who are literally risking their lives to make sure food is stocked on store shelves. The added stress of dealing with the uncertainty of customers complying with public health measures – such as wearing a mask – makes their work environment that much more stressful.

    To their credit, the grocery chain Sobeys has wisely decided to reinstate this bonus pay to their workers in parts of Manitoba and Ontario where lockdown measures are in place. This indicates they understand the pressures these workers are under. We would strongly encourage other grocery stores – big and small – to show that they value their workers’ contributions by bringing back their own hero pay nationwide, including Edmonton where new emergency measures are in place. Once the pandemic subsides and a vaccine is readily available, this bonus pay should be made a permanent part of their workplace policies as everybody should be able to make a livable income.

    After all, do we want these workers to continue to make difficult decisions on whether to pay their heating bill or forgo other expenses? If we are sincere in lauding their work as heroic, these pay raises are the bare minimum we can extend to them.

    Sydney Sheloff is Research Officer for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

    Brett Lambert is Community Engagement Coordinator for the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

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  • Tracking the Trends 2020

    Tracking the Trends 2020

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    Tracking the Trends provides a comprehensive overview of Edmonton’s social well-being.

    The Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) is pleased to present this 15th edition of Tracking the Trends. Thirty one years after the release of the first edition in 1989, we remain committed to regularly updating this valuable compendium of social and economic data critical to sound decision-making. We hope decision-makers, social policy planners, researchers, and the general public will find this publication useful in broadening their understanding of social trends in the Edmonton region.

    The publication of this edition was postponed by several months due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused disruptions to work as ESPC adapted to working from home, as well as delays in data releases. Unfortunately, data on COVID-19 could not be captured in this report, but the effects of the pandemic on Edmontonians will be seen in future Tracking the Trends.

    Download the full Tracking the Trends report here (PDF)

    Note: since the release of this report, we identified the following errata. The PDF version has now been updated as of January 15, 2021.

    Table C4: Total Apartment Vacancy Rate, October Average, Edmonton CMA, added in missing value for the year 2006

    Table D11: Employed Persons Earning Low Wages by Gender, July 2017 to June 2018, Edmonton CMA. The “total” for wage “$13.60” was incorrectly listed as 54800, this was corrected to 54.8

    Table F4: Maximum monthly AISH benefit payments, added in missing values for the years 2000-2002 and 2004

    Figure F4 was updated as well to reflect the added in values

    Table F5: Number of individuals receiving Employment Insurance, added in missing the value for the year 2008

    Table G8: Lone-Parent to Couple Family Proportion, Edmonton CMA, added in the missing value for the year 2009

    Table G9: Property and Violent Crime Rates, Crime Severity Index, Edmonton City. An older version of the table was inserted by accident, it was replaced with an up-to date version.

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  • fACT Sheet – Jobless Benefits During COVID-19

    fACT Sheet – Jobless Benefits During COVID-19

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    Introduction

    The COVID-19 pandemic upended Canada’s economy when public health measures forced the closure of businesses, and millions of Canadians lost their jobs or saw their incomes greatly decrease. It was immediately clear in the wake of this that the eligibility criteria for Employment Insurance (EI)—a federal program which delivers temporary benefits to workers experiencing job loss—was inadequate to cover living costs for the millions of Canadians who were unemployed or working in precarious arrangements.

    As a result, the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) was implemented in April 2020 to address these gaps. About 4 million Canadians, as of August 2020, were receiving CERB benefits. The program was discontinued on September 27, 2020, with plans to transition these recipients to a modified version of the EI program.

    In light of these developments, this fACT Sheet assesses the state of jobless benefits in Canada.

    Overview and History of Employment Insurance

    Canada first implemented jobless benefits in 1940, then known as Unemployment Insurance (UI). At the time, the program covered non-government regular workers with incomes under $2,000 (about 40% of the labour force), but excluded some categories of workers like seasonal workers most likely to experience unemployment. Eligibility requirements to receive benefits was 180 days of employment or 30 weeks (assuming a 6-day work week). A recipient of UI would receive a wage replacement rate of roughly 60% for the duration of one year if they had previously had five years of continuous employment.

    In subsequent years, UI coverage and benefits expanded to include supplemental seasonal benefits as well as assistance for returning soldiers after the Second World War. In the 1950s and 1960s, UI coverage extended to self-employed fishers, and included the introduction of modest sickness benefits and a reduction in the eligibility requirement from 30 to 24 weeks. These changes covered about two-thirds of the labour force.

    The UI program was at its most generous by 1971 when coverage was nearly universal, covering 96% of wage- and salary-earning workers. Recipients were given a maximum 75% of insured earnings for those with dependents, and 66% for those without. Eligibility to receive UI was reduced from 24 to 8 weeks. In addition, UI expanded for different benefit categories, such as maternity leave, sickness, and retirement.

    Erosion of EI Supports and Eligibility

    With concerns over the increasing costs of program administration, governments began chipping away at benefit rates and criteria for eligibility in the mid-1970s. The maximum benefit rate was reduced to 66% in 1975, and a region-based eligibility criteria was introduced in 1977. This meant that the change in eligibility was based on the local unemployment rate (i.e. if the unemployment rate was high, the eligibility threshold would be low; if the unemployment rate was low, the eligibility threshold would be higher). In 1978, eligibility to receive UI increased to 20 weeks of recent employment, and the benefit rate was cut to 60%.

    The UI program was further weakened with new measures in the 1990s. The benefit rate was cut further from 60% to 57% for all claimants in 1993, and was reduced again from 57% to 55% in 1994.

    In 1996, the program was renamed to Employment Insurance. Alongside the name change, the minimum number of hours worked jumped from 180 (12 weeks at a minimum of 15 hours a week) to 420 hours over those same weeks (an average of 35 hours a week).

    By this point, only 42% of unemployed workers were now eligible for benefits. In addition, high-income earners were eligible for more EI benefits (a maximum of $573 per week) while low-income and precarious workers received fewer benefits.

    This erosion of benefits, while a challenge for the unemployed in the best of times, was simply untenable by the time the public health emergency upended the livelihoods of millions of workers in Canada.

    Canada Emergency Response Benefit

    Due to decades of erosion and eligibility criteria changes to EI benefits, and now the COVID-19 pandemic—a surge in applications for income support from jobless or furloughed Canadian workers—showed that the federal government was ill-prepared for such a situation. This was especially compounded by an increase in precarious working arrangements in the so-called “gig economy”—those working low-wage jobs with inconsistent or uncertain hours, many of whom are not typically eligible for EI.

    In response, the federal government introduced CERB, providing $2,000 per month in benefits to eligible applicants. To qualify, an applicant must have resided in Canada and be at least 15 years old, earned at least $5,000 in the previous year, and stopped working due to the pandemic. Those still working but who experienced a drop in working hours and income could still claim the benefit if their monthly employment income was less than $1,000.

    While CERB represented a pay cut for modest- and high-income workers (which amounts to $500 per week compared to the maximum of $573 per week for EI), the benefit was a pay raise for low-income workers who previously would have received EI benefits of less than $500.

    As of September 27, 2020, there were over 8.8 million unique applicants who had received the benefit at some point since the program began in April, with a total of $80.6 billion in benefits delivered across Canada. Over 1 million of these applicants were in Alberta.

    While the program was originally conceived as a temporary measure, it saw periodic extensions throughout the spring and summer of 2020. Finally, in August 2020, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland announced that CERB would wind down by September 27, 2020.

    Transitioning to a post-CERB Environment

    By the end of September 2020, the government transitioned roughly four million Canadians from CERB to other income support programs, including a modified version of EI. This was an attempt to make benefits available to more Canadians, especially those who would not have previously qualified for EI, adding more than 400,000 people into the system. The modified EI was initially set with a $400-a-week benefit floor, and its eligibility requirements have been reduced to 120 insurable hours. However, in response to pressure from the NDP opposition, the benefit has been increased to $500 a week.

    Those who have not transitioned to EI will be eligible for a suite of new benefit programs: the Canada Recovery Benefit (CRB), Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit (CRSB), and the Canada Recovery Caregiving Benefit (CRCB). Applications for the CRB open October 12, 2020, while applications for the CRSB and the CRCB are now available.*

    The CRB will provide a benefit amount of $500 per week for up to 26 weeks for workers who are not eligible for EI, mainly the self-employed and those working in the gig economy. The CRSB will provide $500 per week, for up to 2 weeks, for employees who are unable to work because they are sick or must self-isolate due to COVID-19. The CRCB will provide $500 per week, for up to 26 weeks, for households providing care to a family member who is unable to attend a school, daycare, day program, or care facility due to closure or an increased risk if they contract the virus.

    According to an analysis from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, the initial plan would have left 2.7 million CERB recipients financially worse off after the discontinuation of CERB. Recent policy changes for a modified EI and more generous CRB benefits means that about 1.8 million Canadians will now receive more money. These policy changes benefits women in particular, resulting in 1.2 million women receiving the same $500 a week benefit. About 167,000 recipients would have earned much less due to EI benefit claw back benefits of 50% for every dollar earned in employment income. Nevertheless, about 750,000 Canadians would not have received any support from any of the federal programs.

    Within Edmonton, of the 139,000 current CERB recipients, about 42,000 of them will still be financially worse-off, 69,000 will fare the same, and 28,000 will be better-off.

    Conclusion

    In hindsight, the decades long erosion of EI benefits and eligibility criteria before the pandemic made the circumstances of low-wage workers increasingly precarious. The implementation of CERB provided a necessary floor for these workers during the temporary closure of businesses. While the capacity for policy change and revision is now focused on ensuring that more workers will receive support than initially planned, it’s clear more progress is needed to see these benefits return to a level similar to 1971, when access to these benefits was nearly universal. The pandemic has made it very clear that we need to improve our social safety nets.

    *Note: details on these benefits continues to evolve. The information in this fACT Sheet is current as of October 8, 2020. Please consult Government of Canada websites for the most up-to-date information.

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  • Vital Topic: Financial Reality of Millennials in Edmonton

    Vital Topic: Financial Reality of Millennials in Edmonton

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    » Download the new Vital Topic: Financial Reality of Millennials in Edmonton

    Edmonton Vital Signs is an annual checkup conducted by the Edmonton Community Foundation, in partnership with the Edmonton Social Planning Council, to measure how the community is doing. Vital Topics are a quick but comprehensive look at issues that are timely and important to Edmonton.

    In this edition, we take a look at the financial realities for millennials in Edmonton. This includes recent data on student debt loads, income levels, workforce characteristics, housing, child care, spending habits, as well as the rise of the “gig economy” (i.e. part-time or contract jobs needed to make ends meet) making up a sizable portion of millennials in the workforce.

     

     

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