Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: ESPC Press Releases

  • Growing inequality threatens cohesion of Canadian society : Some solutions to closing the widening gap

    by: John Kolkman, Freelance

    Canadians’ self-image as a middle class society is deeply ingrained in the national psyche.

    For the first 30 years after the Second World War this self-image reflected reality. From the mid-1940s to the mid-1970s, household wealth of Canadian families steadily increased across all income categories with the most rapid increases occurring for middle-income earners. Canada was truly becoming a more egalitarian society.

    Then, 30 years ago, this trend reversed. Inequality has been growing ever since.

    The most recent evidence is a Statistics Canada report called Revisiting Wealth Inequality. Released last month, it puts into serious question how much longer Canada can claim to be a middle class country.

    Statistics Canada has been measuring wealth distribution since 1970.

    The 1970 to 1977 period was consistent with the post-Second World War trend of growing equality.

    However, the survey results since 1977 show:

    – The poorest 20 per cent of families now owe more than they own (they have negative net worth);

    – The wealth share of the top 10 per cent of Canadian families has consistently gone up while the wealth share of the bottom 90 per cent of families has consistently gone down. By 2005, the top 10 per cent of families owned 58.2 per cent of all household wealth;

    – Middle-income Canadian families have seen the sharpest drop in their relative wealth, in some cases by up to one-third.

    – All of the increase in net worth for the middle 20 per cent of Canadian families has been due to increased value of the family home, while the real value of non-RRSP investments and savings of these middle-income families has actually gone down.

    – Middle-income families increasingly rely on lines of credit secured against their homes to pay the bills. Home line-of-credit debt surged by a factor of 2.3 times in the past six years alone. The dream of being mortgage- or debt-free is fading for more and more families.

    In a widely quoted report glibly titled Lifestyles of the Rich and Unequal, the TD Bank downplays these alarming findings. The TD report says Canada’s concentration of wealth is consistent with international norms, and besides inequality in Canada isn’t as bad as in the U.S. One of Canada’s big five banks making light of inequality is no surprise. After all, the TD Bank’s five highest paid executives made a combined $37 million last year.

    Canadians should not be lulled into complacency, however. Changes in wealth distribution take place gradually over many decades. Year to year changes are almost imperceptible. Recent high levels of employment and rising home values also mask growing inequality.

    Growing inequality has serious ramifications for the future cohesion of Canadian society. For the bottom 40 per cent of Canadian families — whose net worth has dwindled to almost nothing — the risk is the development of an underclass where many believe that financial security is no longer possible, no matter how hard they work to get ahead.

    For wealthier Canadians, there can be a resulting loss of social solidarity.

    This can lead to NIMBYism, and opting for two-tier health care and private schooling as the quality of public services erodes.

    Inequality is widening for a reason. Canadians became more equal from 1945 to 1977 because of deliberate policy choices made by governments of that era. These policies included a progressive tax system and strong social programs like old age pensions, baby bonuses, affordable post-secondary tuition and medicare.

    Canada is becoming less equal because of different policy choices made since the mid-1970s. These choices include eroding the universality of social programs by imposing user fees and income testing.

    The tax balance also shifted dramatically from high-income earners onto middle-income earners as a result of changes making the income-tax system less progressive.

    These policies negatively impact the ability of middle-income families to add to their net worth and achieve a measure of financial security.

    For lower-middle income families, these negative impacts have been dramatic. For example, the net worth of families with annual after-tax incomes of $20,000 to $30,000 dropped by 21.2 per cent between 1999 and 2005.

    It’s clear that different policy choices need to be made. The good news is there are solutions. We should:

    – Scrap health-care premiums, an inefficient lump-sum tax. The resulting yearly saving of $1,056 for a family making $50,000 a year makes a far bigger difference than it does for a family making $500,000.

    – Make the income tax system more progressive. At the provincial level, replace the 10-per-cent flat tax with a tax of eight per cent on the first $50,000 of individual income and 12 per cent on income above $50,000. This would restore some tax balance, while being largely revenue neutral.

    – Restore or enhance universality of social programs. One example is implementing a badly needed publicly paid prescription drug plan. Another example is affordable child care for families that don’t qualify for subsidies.

    – Make work pay. There has been a 36-per-cent decline in the real value of the minimum wage since the mid-1970s. A good job with decent pay and benefits is still the best ticket for helping Canadian families achieve a measure of financial security while reducing inequality.

    – Ensure more Canadians benefit from work-related pension plans. Work-related pensions — more so than individual RRSPs — disproportionately benefit middle-income families and are key to their financial security.

    These are common sense — not radical — solutions to narrowing inequality.

    As citizens, we must ask our elected leaders and ourselves what kind of society we want our children to inherit.

    John Kolkman is the Research and Policy Analysis Coordinator of the Edmonton Social Planning Council.

    website:  www.edmontonsocialplanning.ca

     

  • Make Work Pay for More Alberta Families

    Edmonton Journal Op-Editorial
    By John Kolkman

    When the National Council of Welfare released a study showing Alberta’s welfare rates to be among the lowest in Canada, Premier Ralph Klein responded that his government’s philosophy is to provide a ‘hand up’ rather than a ‘handout.’ (Source: Alberta Hansard, August 24, 2006).
    Alberta got two-thirds of people off welfare in the past twelve years, in part because of a renewed emphasis on skills training programs.  The strong economy resulting from high energy prices has also created many new jobs.

     The result is that most low-income people today are working.  The problem is many are working at jobs that don’t pay a wage covering basic necessities like housing, utilities, food, clothing and transportation.

    Given the current focus on labour shortages, it’s surprising more attention isn’t being paid to why employers are finding it difficult to recruit and retain workers.  Could it have something to do with many jobs not paying well enough to keep people in them?

    There are a number of proactive solutions to make work pay that don’t involved breaking the bank or harming Alberta’s economic competitiveness.

    1.  Raise the minimum wage.  Despite last September’s increase to $7 per hour, Alberta’s minimum wage is still the lowest of any province outside Atlantic Canada.  While only about 3 per cent of the Alberta workforce makes $7 per hour, the minimum wage raises the floor for other workers making slightly higher wages.

    A family of four making $7 per hour where both adults work full-time all year (40 hours a week for 52 weeks) would earn $29,120.  That’s a full 25% below the $38,610 needed to escape poverty using the most commonly used poverty measure (the Low-Income Cut-Off)

    No wonder the Alberta government spends about $30 million a year supplementing the earnings of those working that cannot make ends meet from their job.

    There should be an immediate increase of the minimum wage to at least $8 per hour and thereafter tying it to increases in living costs.  This would put Alberta more in line with other provinces and should pose little or no difficulty for employers in this province’s tight labour market.

    2. Adopt a public sector living wage policy.  Those directly employed by public institutions should be paid a living wage.  Companies contracting with the public sector should also be required to pay a living wage to their employees. To be meaningful, the floor for a living wage should be high enough to allow people working full-time to lift themselves out of poverty.  This requires a living wage of at least $10 per hour.

    In 2005, 220,400 Albertans (over one in seven employed workers) made between the minimum wage and $10 per hour (Source: Public Interest Alberta analysis of Statistics Canada employment data).

    Asking the public sector and companies contracting with the public sector to pay a living wage would set a good example for private sector employers while raising the wages of a significant number of workers.

    3. Reduce high marginal tax rates for low-income working adults.  The wealthiest Albertans only pay 39 per cent in combined federal and provincial tax on their last dollar of personal income.

    Five years ago they paid 46 per cent.  Marginal tax rates for high-income earners were lowered to ensure working harder isn’t punished by higher rates of taxation.  Low-wage workers should similarly not be discouraged from working harder.  Yet under income-tested assistance programs, benefits are phased out as incomes rise leading to high marginal tax rates.

    There are at least eight such programs with the well-intentioned goal of targeting assistance to those needing it.  In combination, however, an over-reliance on income-testing can cause some low-income families to lose more than a dollar in benefits for every dollar their employment income rises.

    Abolishing health care premiums is one way to do this.  That’s because premium subsidies get phased out as income rises.  While benefiting all Albertans, scrapping health care premiums would particularly benefit low-wage workers who would no longer lose premium subsidies as their incomes rise.

    The province should also restructure how childcare dollars are invested.  There should be less reliance on income-tested childcare subsidies that steeply decline as employment income rises.  Instead, additional investment is needed in direct financial support for accredited childcare centres so that monthly fees can be reduced for all parents.

    Unfortunately, the Harper government’s decision to cancel the federal-provincial childcare agreements effective next March will do the very opposite. Alberta’s modest investment in a quality childcare and early learning system is at serious risk. Childcare fees are likely to go up rather than down as a result.

    4. Progressively universalize prescription drug and dental benefits.  A recent study found that only 13 per cent of workers making $10 per hour or less had employer extended health and dental benefit plans compared to 77 per cent of workers making $20 per hour or more (Source: Statistics Canada, Perspectives on Labour and Income, May 2003).

    In the past decade, provincial governments including Alberta have allowed those leaving income support programs to maintain extended health and dental benefits so long as their employment income remains low.  If employment income rises, the benefits are lost.

    While the objective of encouraging attachment to paid employment is commendable, keeping people trapped in low wage jobs is not.  That’s why the Canadian Policy Research Network recently recommended that prescription drugs and basic dental services be provided by government on a more universal basis with benefits only taxed back at high levels of income (Source: Making Work Pay: Findings and Recommendations, May 2006).

    In conclusion, wages not keeping pace with economic growth is a decade long trend. This is particularly the case for low-wage workers. As we celebrate another Labour Day, let’s make some changes to give more hardworking Alberta families a ticket out of poverty.

    John Kolkman is the Research and Policy Analysis Coordinator for the Edmonton Social Planning Council

    website:  www.edmontonsocialplanning.ca

     

  • Tories slow to give decent income to poorest Albertans

    Published in Edmonton Journal

    In November 2001 a report from a Government MLA Low-Income Review Committee recommended changes that – had they been fully implemented – could have significantly improved the lives of Albertans who rely on the Assured Income for the Severely Handicapped (AISH) and social assistance (Alberta Works) programs.

    It took until May 2002 for the provincial government to release the committee’s report.  The government responded to the key recommendations calling for enhanced financial support by saying they would be implemented “as budget allows.”  Despite running multi-Billion budget surpluses, only limited changes have been made.  These include allowing some parents leaving social assistance to retain health benefits and providing supplementary benefits to those leaving abusive relationships.

    During the fall 2004 provincial election campaign, the Premier created a political firestorm with some ill-considered comments about AISH recipients.  In the political damage control that followed, the Conservatives promised to take another look at the AISH program if re-elected.

    As part of a government re-organization after the election, the AISH program was moved into a new Ministry of Seniors and Community Supports.  The Alberta Works program remained in the Ministry of Human Resources and Employment.

    Since then, these income support programs have gone in sharply different directions.  Significant enhancements have been made for AISH recipients.  However, very little has changed for those on Alberta Works.

    In January 2005, Seniors and Community Supports Minister Yvonne Fritz appointed a second Government MLA committee to consult and make recommendations for improving the AISH program.  While many government committees work at a glacial pace, this one managed to complete its work within three months.  As a result, AISH recipients received an 18 per cent increase in their monthly benefit levels to $1,000 per month consisting of a $100 increase effective April 1, 2005 and a further $50 increase on April 1, 2006.

    By contrast, there was no follow-up committee appointed by the Minister of Human Resources and Employment.  Alberta Works recipients did receive an average 5 per cent increase in their monthly benefit level on May 1, 2006, but only for recipients not expected to work.  Over one-half of recipients expected to work received no increase.  Rates remain at the same low level where they have languished since 1993, despite huge increases in housing costs and significant erosion of the real value of benefits due to inflation.  A single person considered employable receives $402 per month, far below what is needed to meet basic needs in today’s booming economy.

    Effective October 2005, AISH recipients also get to keep more of what they earn through employment without suffering a corresponding claw back of their benefits. The amount they could earn per month that was fully exempt doubled to $400. Thereafter the claw back was reduced to 50 per cent to a maximum monthly employment income of $1,000 for singles and $2,000 for couples.

    Again by way of contrast, earnings exemptions for Alberta Works recipients remain at the same low level of $115 monthly for singles. While an adjustment to $230 monthly for single parents and couples was made in late 2001, this is still well below the AISH earnings exemption.  The Alberta Works’ claw back on earnings above this level remains at 75 per cent.

    The average Albertan would not be highly motivated to work harder if they were taxed at a rate of 75 cents of every additional dollar earned.  Yet that’s the unfortunate situation of 27,000 Albertans receiving Alberta Works benefits.

    If we truly want Albertans on low and limited incomes to work and better themselves, why do we penalize them for doing so?  If high marginal tax rates are seen as a disincentive to work harder for high-income earners, why are they not seen the same way for those with low incomes?

    A recent study published by the Institute for Research on Public Policy finds that this policy keeps people trapped in poverty (IRPP Choices, June 2003, p.40).  The poverty trap occurs when low-income earners cannot improve their income by increasing their work hours or wages, because any earnings increases are off-set by withdrawal of income support payments, child tax benefits, health care premium subsidies, and other benefits. The withdrawal of benefits sometimes exceeds increases in earnings resulting in an effective marginal tax rate of over 100 per cent.

    A number of straightforward changes could be made to provincial low-income support programs at minimal cost to the public purse.  These modest needed changes include:
     

    •  Increasing earnings exemptions for the Alberta Works program to the same level as those in the AISH program.  The annual cost of doubling earnings exemptions for AISH recipients was a modest $4.8 million.
       
    • Tying monthly allowances to costs of basic necessities like food, shelter and clothing.  MLA salaries and benefits are tied to changes in living costs.  So should income support programs for Albertans struggling to make ends meet.

    Longer-term both AISH and Alberta Works rates should be brought up to the poverty line. Several years ago, the federal and provincial governments developed a ‘Market Basket Measure’ (MBM) to establish a poverty line reflecting actual living costs for food, clothing, shelter and other essentials.  Now most governments – including the Alberta government – are refusing to follow through by basing their income support programs on the MBM they themselves developed.

    Alberta’s strong economy and robust job market has led to a two-thirds reduction in the number of Albertans receiving Alberta Works benefits over the past twelve years.  Most people receiving benefits can’t work due to illness or other factors.  It’s time they received an income allowing them to pay for necessities and live with some measure of dignity.

    John Kolkman is the Research and Policy Analysis Coordinator for the Edmonton Social Planning Council .

    website:  www.edmontonsocialplanning.ca