Edmonton Social Planning Council

Category: **Resources: ESPC Documents:

  • Research Update: A Look at Alberta’s Oil and Gas Bailout

    Research Update: A Look at Alberta’s Oil and Gas Bailout

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    Note: this is excerpted from the August 2020 edition of our “Research Update” publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews, prepared by our volunteers, on recently published social research reports and publications.

    Reviewed by Hanna Nash

    In Alberta’s Failed Oil and Gas Bailout, authors Jim Storrie, Duncan Kinney, and Regan Boychuk discuss their dissatisfaction with the Government of Alberta’s investments in the oil and gas industry. These authors come from non-profit watch groups established to keep a continuous look on government decisions and protect the interest of Albertans.

    Storrie, Kinney, and Boychuk examine the actions of Crown investment manager Alberta Investment Management Corporation (AIMCo), responsible for over $100 billion of provincial assets. According to the authors, this management company has allocated $1.1 billion from Alberta’s pension funds and the Alberta Heritage Saving Trust Fund to junior and intermediate provincial oil and gas producers and oil field service companies at the direction of the prior and current Alberta governments. The main focus of the report is the contention the authors have with AIMCo’s likely loss of millions of the public dollars it invested. Part of this loss is due to falling shares that each of the publicly traded companies it invested in have already experienced, in addition to the bankruptcies of companies that have received millions of dollars in AIMCo investments, the fallout from COVID-19 concerns, Russia and Saudi Arabia’s oil price war, and the expected cost of Alberta’s oil well environmental clean-up initiative.

    The report is a well researched and thorough review of AIMCo’s problematic relationship with Alberta’s current government, the United Conservative Party (UCP), and the lack of checks and balances in place that have allowed a mismanagement of funds to occur. The authors demonstrate how the UCP used their political influence to push the interests of oil and gas companies into AIMCo’s investment profile—largely due to the political donations that the UCP and their third-party advertisers received from oil and gas companies. The authors discuss the conflicts of interest these relationships present as they create an environment of investment focused solely in the oil and gas sector, without any attention given to alternate investment areas. Additionally, the passing of Bill 22, in the fall of 2019, now permits AIMCo to oversee investment management for many essential pension funds in Alberta such as the Alberta Teachers’ Retirement Fund (ATRF). This directive from the province has angered many Albertans as such pension funds and investments are now solely controlled by AIMCo. Despite ATRF’s dissatisfaction with AIMCo’s performance, they are not permitted to dissolve their relationship as Bill 22 does not provide any alternative methods or options of investment management. These investment protocols coupled with a lack of transparency from AIMCo have given many Albertans rise to feel distrustful where AIMCo is concerned.

    Storrie, Kinney, and Boychuk’s in-depth review of AIMCo’s investment practices presents troubling and worrying indications of how public funds in Alberta are being spent. The authors portray a very distrustful relationship between the UCP and those whose money is being invested in businesses that are operating at a loss rather than a profit. Notably, the money being used by the current provincial government is largely deferred money that Albertans earned and chose to invest in a retirement fund; they have not given permission for their government to invest through such methods.

    This report is very well researched and investigated, however, it is obvious that the authors present a very strong bias against investing public funds in non-renewable energy resources. At times, the report produced a more personal opinion of the current UCP government’s business practices rather than an unbiased presentation of information.

    The non-profit groups on behalf of which the authors are writing are undoubtedly interested in the current political climate of Alberta’s government, and how government action will impact future generations of investment and growth. The authors provide insight into the difficulties that Albertans currently face, and promote open and transparent interactions between the provincial government and its Crown corporation for the benefit of Albertans.

    PUBLICATION SOURCE:

    Storrie, J., Kinney, D., & Boychuk, R. (2020). Alberta’s failed oil and gas bailout. Progress Alberta. https://pressprogress.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/AIMCO-report.pdf

    ABOUT THE RESEARCH REVIEWER:

    Hanna Nash enjoys ballet performances and other live theatre, as well as outdoor sports, and travelling to new countries. Hanna is interested in sharing information and knowledge to Edmonton’s diverse communities.

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  • Research Update: COVID-19 and the Future of Long-Term Care

    Research Update: COVID-19 and the Future of Long-Term Care

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    Note: this is excerpted from the August 2020 edition of our “Research Update” publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews, prepared by our volunteers, on recently published social research reports and publications.

    Reviewed by Mona Haimour

    The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on vulnerable and priority populations, particularly the elderly that are living in long-term care (LTC) facilities, has been eye-opening and challenging. Figures show that 81% of COVID-19 deaths in Canada were recorded in long-term care nursing homes. This is higher than the average for Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, at 42%. Not only are the figures staggering, but evidence shows that the physical and social environments where the elderly are left to die are inhumane.

    In their high-level and peer-reviewed policy briefing report titled Restoring Trust: COVID-19 and the Future of Long-Term Care, experts from reputable Canadian universities (York University, Conestoga College, University of Toronto, Université de Montréal, University of Alberta, University of Ottawa, Mount Saint Vincent University, and University of Calgary) share their research findings on challenges encountered with respect to Canada’s response to, and recovery from, COVID-19. These experts form the Royal Society of Canada (RSC) Task Force on COVID-19, chaired by Professor Carole Estabrooks (University of Alberta). The purpose of this initiative is to synthesize and frame evidence that will help policy-makers make informed and shared decisions.

    To understand the real story of the LTC COVID-19 deaths and what it will take to solve this enduring crisis, the RSC has adopted a systematic and comprehensive approach to guide their work. This is evident in three focus areas: context and policy status before COVID-19, vulnerabilities exposed as a result of COVID-19, and principles for action and leading options.

    Findings from the review of the context and policy status before the pandemic show that the complexity of the health and social profiles of our elderly (e.g., advanced age, dementia, chronic medical conditions, low immunity status, limited access to uninsured services, etc.) that live in the LTC-nursing homes is beyond what the capacity of the current workforce is capable of and trained to provide care for. Other key findings such as the ongoing decline in the ratio of regulated health care professionals to unregulated health care professionals (care aides and personal support workers), heavy workloads, lack of formal training and education, as well as low wages and poor employee benefits have been identified as chronic issues that caused direct negative impacts on patient safety and quality care.

    Additionally, the review shows that the LTC facilities had not met the safety regulations related to the prevention and control of communicable diseases. These included lack of visitation policies and practices, shortages of personal protective equipment (PPE) and other essential supplies, and inadequate training on how to use PPE and conduct screenings for COVID-19. These vulnerabilities along with the chronic issues that emerged from the analysis of the context and policy status have hindered LTC capacity to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, resulting in preventable deaths.

    Moving forward, the RSC has provided recommendations that derive from the collected evidence, targeting all levels of governments (federal, provincial, and territorial). The RSC has called for a reform and redesign of the current LTC sector. The key recommendations focus on adopting a strategic, targeted, and sustainable approach to solve the enduring LTC workforce crisis. These recommendations include establishing national standards that focus on revamping the LTC infrastructure by providing continued funding support for pandemic resources and beyond, staffing and staffing mix in nursing homes, and establishing appropriate and regulated education and training for the LTC workforce.

    The implementation plans for these standards should be taken seriously and start immediately by stakeholders at the provincial and territorial level of government. Meaning, urgent action plans should be put in place with emphasis on enhancing the quality of staff education and training, as well as working conditions of the health care professionals—regardless of their level—including work benefits and mental health support. Moreover, emphasis on the need and value of creating a robust and transparent data collection system that captures and tracks the essential variables and elements related to quality of care and quality of life for both the residents and health care professionals is a crucial step toward a better and safer future for LTCs.

    While it is evident from the policy briefing report that Canada’s LTC sector is in dire need of change, many concerning questions begin to arise as a result of uncertainty, like who is going to take initiative and be the voice for fundamental change in the sector? Furthermore, it is unclear how soon this will happen, given that the COVID-19 pandemic is far from over. Another concern lies with the health and well-being of our elderly people and their families. Their voices, along with those of health care professionals and front-line workers, should be heard, expressed, and valued as well.

     Publication Source:

    Estabrooks, C. A., Straus, S., Flood, C. M., Keefe, J., Armstrong, P., Donner, G., . . .Wolfson, M. (2020). Restoring trust: COVID-19 and the future of long-term care. Royal Society of Canada.   https://rscsrc.ca/sites/default/files/LTC%20PB%20%2B%20ES_EN.pdf

     ABOUT THE RESEARCH REVIEWER:

    Mona Haimour is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Health Systems and Sustainability at MacEwan University. Her commitment to enhance women’s health and public health started during her work overseas. She specializes in sustainability, priority populations, and health equity. Her personal interests include running, jumping rope, and reading.

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  • Research Update: August 2020

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    The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with our volunteers, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with up-to-date reviews on recently published social research reports and publications.
    In this issue, we have the following reviews:

    • COVID-19 and the Future of Long-Term Care Reviewed by Mona Haimour
    • Economic Implications of Social Distancing Reviewed by Natty Klimo
    • Youth Homelessness and COVID-19 Reviewed by Mohamed Mohamed
    • A Look at Alberta’s Oil and Gas Bailout by Hanna Nash
    • Job Transformation and Automation Reviewed by Jenn Smyth

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  • fACT Sheet — WINning: The Trials, Tribulations, and Triumphs of Opening a Women’s Shelter

    fACT Sheet — WINning: The Trials, Tribulations, and Triumphs of Opening a Women’s Shelter

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    Introduction

    To coincide with the 50th anniversary of the founding of what would become known as WIN House (Women in Need), a new book by Marsha Mildon, WINning: The Trials, Tribulations, and Triumphs of Opening a Women’s Shelter, was released in June 2020. The book chronicles the storied history of how the women’s shelter movement took hold in Edmonton. In the late 1960s, a group of concerned citizens came together to start what was a new concept at the time: a dedicated women’s shelter to serve as a safe place. First for any single woman in need, then opening to women with children who were living in unsafe conditions—such as those experiencing intimate partner violence (physical, mental, or emotional)—and had nowhere to go. The Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) played an important role in helping to establish the shelter, which included administrative and staffing support.

    More information about the book, including how to order, can be found here: http://www.enable.org/winning/

    The following is a timeline of notable events and developments that mark the history of WIN House.

    Spring 1968: Daisy Wilson, Diocesan President of the Catholic Women’s League (CWL), reads an article in the Edmonton Journal about the plight of girls and women (particularly Indigenous women) arriving at the bus and train stations, especially late in the evening, having no contacts, no resources, and no place to stay.

    May 1968: Daisy speaks out about her concern for these women at the CWL’s Social Action Committee meeting, the Women’s Inter-Church Council’s meeting, as well as the YWCA—who tell her that housing these women is not in their mandate.

    June 20, 1968: YWCA hosts a meeting with 28 organizations, agencies, and concerned citizens in attendance.  A decision is made to do some research on the issue.

    1969: The Mossman Report is completed, which explored the needs of transient women, services currently available, and what additional services may be needed.

    November 29, 1969: All Saints Anglican Cathedral offers space in their basement and bell tower for a three-month trial run. Lynn Hannley and Bettie Hewes from ESPC are involved in the planning process from the beginning working alongside the YWCA, which was the umbrella organization for the first four months.

    January 23, 1970:  The Overnight Shelter for Women opens with donations from church and community groups. The Junior League is the largest donor, providing $500 a month.

    May 1, 1970: ESPC takes over from the YWCA as the umbrella organization for Edmonton Women’s Shelter (EWS), under the guidance of Bettie Hewes, Executive Director of ESPC.

    July 1, 1970: The Women’s Emergency Shelter moves to a former pawn shop location on 101 Street and 102 Avenue on a monthly rental basis.

    Note: The Edmonton Women’s Shelter used a variety of names—including the Edmonton Women’s Emergency Shelter, Overnight Shelter for Women, or Edmonton Women’s Overnight Shelter—as it was being established.

    August 31, 1971: The shelter moves to a city-owned house in the 102 block of 108 Street.

    May 1, 1973: Another move, this time to the 103 block of 101 Street – a second store front location.

    July 1, 1973: A three-storey house on 98 Avenue in the river valley is rented to use as Sheltered Accommodation to shelter women who needed “acceptance and safe time to figure out what they might do next” (i.e. longer term users).

    By this point, EWS had spent nearly 5 years moving the shelter around downtown Edmonton from one rental to another, including city owned properties.

    September 26, 1973: A non-profit corporation is registered as Edmonton Women’s Shelter Ltd. The EWS officially becomes its own entity. ESPC is no longer the umbrella organization, but continues to provide advice and support.

    September 30, 1974: EWS closes due to a lack of suitable accommodation.

    October 30, 1974: The Government of Alberta announces funding for the Edmonton City Centre Church Corporation (e4c) to operate a service for transient women. This shelter becomes the Women’s Emergency Accommodation Centre (WEAC) and is now the responsibility of e4c—an organization of white male Protestant ministers. WEAC opened in October 1974.

    January 15, 1975: WEAC has official public opening in the renovated Immigration Building.

    1975—76: The original EWS group is devastated but continues to meet and research what to do for women next.

    May 1977: EWS announces their new project is a shelter for battered* mothers and their children. They enter the family violence field.

    *Note: The use of battered, although now dated and potentially triggering, reflects the terminology of the era and is used here contextually.

    May 1, 1978: Clifford E. Lee Foundation offers $100,000 for the purchase of a house for EWS.

    September 1978: Clifford E. Lee Foundation purchases a house and leases it to EWS for 10 years at $1 a year.

    December 6, 1978: WIN House I opens and is quickly at capacity. This is the first Women’s Shelter in Alberta that specializes in taking in women with their children.

    Atonement Home offers space to overflow applicants from WIN House. Eventually, the Franciscan Sisters open Lurana Shelter—the second shelter for battered women and children in Edmonton. One EWS board member becomes chair of their advisory committee.

    Note: Catholic Social Services will assume full operational responsibility for Lurana Shelter by April 1, 2021.

    April 1980: Ronald Dyck, University of Alberta academic, is hired to study the actual needs of battered women.

    July 11, 1980: Dyck’s report and recommendations are released. An EWS Expansion committee begins work on the design and construction of housing that is deemed suitable to their clients’ needs.

    May 1982: An anonymous donor covers the cost of building WIN House II—the first purpose-built shelter for women and children in Canada.

    November 12, 1982: WIN House II is opened with no mortgage thanks to community donors.

    1983: Alberta Council of Women’s Shelters (eight shelters and one second stage housing, which provides housing and supports for women who have left abusive relationships as they make plans for independent living) is incorporated. EWS ex-president becomes president.

    1984: The EWS Board researches and proposes another second stage housing project.

    1985: The EWS Board determines that a separate organization should take on this housing project.

    1986: WINGS (Women In Need Growing Stronger) second stage housing is formed, supported by the Sisters of Providence with a number of former EWS board members.

    1987: EWS hires ESPC to evaluate service and organization. ESPC recommends a move from a hands-on board to a governance board. Over the next few years, EWS manages this change in structure.

    1985—1989: EWS studies the abuse of the elderly and initiates EARS (Elderly Adult Resource Service).

    1990: EARS and Catholic Social Services collaborate to work on providing this service.

    2006: A building is purchased for the EWS office.

    2008: Studies and research continue on what the needs of women experiencing family violence are.

    2009: A four-bedroom house is purchased to shelter immigrant, refugee, and women escaping human trafficking.

    2010: WIN House III opens. It is the first house world-wide to focus on the needs of immigrant women.

    2013: WIN House III closes due to funding shortfalls.

    November 2014: WIN House III re-opens in thanks to a large private donation and increased funding from the government. The donor family asks that the shelter be named Carol’s House.

     

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    • fACTivist Feature Article: Economic Insecurity Concerns During COVID-19

      fACTivist Feature Article: Economic Insecurity Concerns During COVID-19

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       Note: this is excerpted from Summer 2020 edition of our fACTivist publication. The Edmonton Social Planning Council, in collaboration with volunteers and colleagues within the sector, strives to provide stakeholders and community members with updates on ESPC’s activities and projects, including articles and initiatives that address a variety of pertinent issues that affect our community

      During the height of the pandemic, Alberta’s unemployment rate went as high as 15.5%, according to Labour Force Survey results for the month of May 2020, as businesses were forced to close due to public health restrictions. This excludes those who did not lose their jobs entirely, but rather saw their hours and income drastically reduced; some experts believe the true unemployment rate could be as high as 30%. 

      This major disruption has laid bare who some of the most financially vulnerable are during this pandemic and has exposed holes in our social safety net. According to Statistics Canada’s recent report, Work Interruptions and financial vulnerability, single mothers are some of the most vulnerable individuals when faced with work interruption of two months, with 56% of them unlikely to be able to make ends meet. Commentary that the current economic downturn has disproportionately affected women, at time referred to as a “she-cession,” means this development is not a complete surprise. Other highly vulnerable households include those headed by Indigenous people or newcomers. Financially vulnerable families would need approximately $1,745 per month, on average, just to stay above the poverty line. 

      In addition, these work interruptions have laid bare the vulnerability of workers engaged in precarious work, especially those in the so-called “gig economy,” where unincorporated self-employed workers enter into various contracts with firms to complete specific tasks for a negotiated sum. These include the use of online platforms such as Uber, Lyft, TaskRabbit, Skip the Dishes, and Upwork. While some take on gig work as a supplemental source of income in addition to standard employment, nearly half of Canadians who take on gig work do so as a primary source of income.  These types of working arrangements do not provide adequate job security, health benefits, or consistent income, nor do they support opportunities to save money. 

      When the pandemic hit, it became abundantly clear that a lot of Canadians who found themselves out of work faced barriers to accessing benefits, especially when their situations did not meet the threshold for obtaining income supports such as Employment Insurance (EI). The federal government reacted by creating benefit programs designed to help those who would otherwise fall through the cracks, such as the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit and the Canada Emergency Student Benefit. They also provided temporary boosts to existing programs for parents of children, seniors, persons with disabilities, and gave out additional GST rebates. 

      While these relief measures are welcome and much-needed for vulnerable low-income Albertans and Canadians, the pandemic has made clear that we need to rethink our safety nets not only for public health emergencies, but for all times. 

      Robust conversations have been had on whether a universal basic income would be needed to address this shortfall. While the precise details of what a basic income would look like, and how it would be incorporated within our existing social programs, is still an open conversation, it is abundantly clear that we need to ensure there is a floor built for our society’s most vulnerable. By ensuring they can access the most basic of needs—nutritious food, shelter, medicine, clothing, access to transportation, and others—they will never be forced to go without or fall through the cracks. 

       

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    • fACT Sheet — Child Benefits in Alberta and Canada

      fACT Sheet — Child Benefits in Alberta and Canada

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      Introduction

      Child benefits have been demonstrated to be an important tool for alleviating and reducing child poverty. A recent report from UNICEF highlighted that in 15 high-income countries, delivering universal child benefits alone led to a five percentage point reduction in child poverty on average. In light of the economic toll the COVID-19 pandemic is having on low- and middle-income families coupled with recent changes to benefit programs, our fACT Sheet assesses the current state of provincial and federal child benefit programs for Alberta and Canada, respectively.

      Alberta Child and Family Benefit: Overview and History

      Child benefits in Alberta were initially introduced as the Alberta Working Family Supplement by Premier Jim Prentice in March 2015. At the time, the tax credit would provide working families earning less than $41,220 an annual benefit of $1,100, and an additional $550 for each of the next three children. This was set to take effect July 2016.

      When Rachel Notley became premier in May 2015, the program was revamped and implemented as the Alberta Child Benefit (ACB).

      This was done in conjunction with an enhanced Alberta Family Employment Tax Credit (AFETC), which provided a maximum annual benefit of $754 for the first child, ranging up to $1,987 for families with four children of more. Families had to earn at least $2,760 in employment income to receive the credit. The “phase out” threshold was $41,250, and families earning above that threshold were to receive less of the credit proportionately to their income, becoming zero when their income reached about $77,000.

      In its first year of implementation (2016-2017 benefit year), the ACB reached 245,060 children in 127,345 families while the AFETC reached 359,790 children in 178,745 families. The average annual amounts families received for each benefit were $1,145 and $780, respectively.

      In the years following, these benefits were indexed for inflation. By 2019, the maximum benefit for the ACB was $1,155 for one child and $2,886 for four or more children. For the AFETC, families could receive a maximum benefit of $783 per year for one child, and $2,604 for four or more children. 

      The New Benefit Program

      After Jason Kenney became premier in April 2019, his government’s first provincial budget saw the ACB and AFETC combined into a single program called the Alberta Child and Family Benefit (ACFB). The ACFB took effect in July 2020 and provides direct financial assistance on a quarterly basis to low- and middle-income households. The benefit is divided into two components: the base component and the working component. The base component is available to families regardless of employment status and gives up to $1,330 annually for the first child, all the way up to $3,325 for four or more children. This component starts to decrease after families make $24,467 and ends once families make $41,000 in household income. The working component applies to families who make over $2,760 a year, and provides up to $681 annually for the first child, or $1,795 for four or more children. This component starts to drop after families make $41,000 and ends at $61,000 in household income.

      What the New ACFB Means for Low-Income Families

      The threshold for receiving provincial child benefits drops off drastically at a relatively low-income cut-off, and families who are barely making enough to support themselves will not get sufficient benefits. Once a household income reaches $41,000, a family is no longer eligible for the base component of the ACFB, while the working component simultaneously begins to decrease. This means that a dual income family where both parents work full-time at minimum wage ($15 per hour) would not receive the base component and would see a reduced working component.

      In comparison, under the previous ACB and AFETC benefit schemes a dual-income family with two children that made $41,000 would have received $3,187 in benefits, while under the new system they will only receive $1,886. This is a significant reduction in benefits and undermines the progress previously made in alleviating child poverty. Families losing out on government transfer income will likely have to make more employment income to support their families in order to provide a modest existence and reach financial security.

      Canada Child Benefit: Overview and History

      Child benefits delivered by the federal government have been in existence in some form since 1945. The most recent incarnation is the Canada Child Benefit (CCB), which was introduced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in 2016 to replace its predecessor, the Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB). The UCCB initially provided a taxable $100 per month benefit to every child in the country under the age of six. By 2015, the benefit had increased to $160 per month, just before Justin Trudeau was elected Prime Minister.

      Trudeau’s revamped CCB increased federal spending on child benefits, making them more generous for low- and middle-income households, and less generous for higher-income households. At the CCB’s inception, households with an annual income of $30,000 or less received a maximum of $6,400 per year for each child under the age of 6, and $5,400 per year for each child between the ages of 6 and 17. Higher household incomes received progressively smaller benefit amounts, up to a maximum of households earning more than $200,000 annually, which did not receive any benefits. All of those benefits were tax-free.

      Since 2016, the CCB has been indexed to inflation to keep up with rising costs of raising children. As of July 2020, the maximum child benefit families receive is $6,765 per child under the age of 6 and $5,708 per child between the ages of 6 and 17.

      In the 2018-2019 benefit year, nearly $24 billion in benefits reached more than 3.6 million recipients in Canada. In Alberta, nearly $3 billion in benefits reached over 445,000 recipients in the province.

      Recent Developments

      As a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, Prime Minister Trudeau issued a number of relief measures to help Canadians financially impacted by the economic downturn caused by the virus. This included a one-time extra payment of $300 to families for each child under the age of 18 allocated via the CCB.

      The Trudeau Liberals also campaigned during the 2019 federal election on a pledged 15% increase to the CCB for children under the age of 1, giving families up to $1,000 more annually. Despite their re-election, this campaign pledge has yet to be implemented for the 2020-21 benefit year.

      Areas of Concern

      While the CCB has been lauded for reducing child poverty across Canada and lifting nearly 280,000 children out of poverty, questions persist about whether further investments are needed to address child poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic. Some advocacy groups, including Campaign 2000, have argued that the one-time $300 top-up to the CCB should be continued for at least the duration of the pandemic and its economic fallout as an important income security tool.

      In addition, the distribution of child benefits for both provincial and federal programs to those who qualify is contingent upon filing a tax return. An average of 12% of adult Canadians do not file tax returns (15.3% for Albertans). A large portion of those who do not file are among the most vulnerable populations, with estimates showing that roughly one-third of social assistance recipients do not file taxes. As many as 40% of eligible First Nations families do not receive the CCB. This lag in distribution undermines the intended poverty reduction goals of these programs.

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